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Tanzanian PM to step down in surprise move

Tanzanian PM to step down in surprise move

Yahooa day ago
Tanzania's Prime Minister Kassim Majaliwa has announced that he will not seek re-election in the forthcoming parliamentary elections, effectively preventing him from being re-appointed.
Majaliwa had earlier said that he would defend his legislative seat for a fourth time in October before making the surprise announcement on Wednesday.
The 64-year-old was appointed prime minister in 2015 and was seen as a possible successor of the late President John Magufuli after his death in 2021.
He has continued to hold the position under President Samia Suluhu Hassan, who is seeking to retain the presidency under the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM).
Majaliwa, who has represented the coastal Ruangwa region since 2010, said his decision was guided by God and he had made it "in good faith".
"It is time to give others the opportunity to unite and build on the development foundation we've established," said Majaliwa, without elaborating on his reasons to pull out from the elections.
It comes just a week after Majaliwa said that he would seek another term in parliament.
Why Samia's hesitant reforms are fuelling Tanzanian political anger
Could this be the end of the road for Tanzania's great survivor?
He also told Ruangwa residents last September that he would run again, with his unexpected withdrawal sparking speculation of a power struggle within the ruling party.
Majaliwa said he would continue serving as a senior CCM official and support Samia's presidential bid.
In Tanzania, the prime minister leads the government business in parliament and is appointed by the president from among the elected MPs.
Seen as a quiet but firm leader, Majaliwa is credited with ensuring a smooth and calm political transition after Magufuli's death.
The former teacher rose to become an influential figure within the CCM party, which has governed Tanzania since 1977. He served as a junior minister under former President Jakaya Kikwete.
His exit follows that of Vice-President Philip Mpango, who in May announced his retirement from politics.
Analysts say the withdrawal of the two senior politicians gives President Samia space to consolidate her control of CCM and craft her second-term leadership line-up.
The country is due to vote in parliamentary and presidential elections, with CCM expected to retain power. The main opposition party, Chadema, has been banned for refusing to sign up to a code of ethics because it wants a series of electoral reforms.
Initially praised for easing the restrictions Magufuli had imposed on the opposition and the media, Samia has been criticised for what rights groups see as renewed repression. She took up power in 2021 after Magufuli's death, becoming the country's first female president.
Senior Chadema politicians have been arrested and several opposition figures abducted and murdered.
Samia's government defends the crackdown on opposition as a move to ensure peace in the country.
Additional reporting by Alfred Lasteck in Dar es Salaam
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Go to BBCAfrica.com for more news from the African continent.
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Chief with a Double Agenda: A hidden history now open to South Africans
Chief with a Double Agenda: A hidden history now open to South Africans

News24

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Chief with a Double Agenda: A hidden history now open to South Africans

'Chief with a Double Agenda is not just a book about Buthelezi,' writes Mandla J Radebe in his introduction to this republished work. 'It is a book about betrayal, ideology, class collaboration and the dangers of political amnesia. It is about the ways in which colonial and apartheid regimes co-opted segments of the oppressed to maintain power and how those collaborations were rationalised in the language of pragmatism. It is about the limits of reconciliation without justice and the costs of democracy built on silence and expediency.' Gatsha Buthelezi: Chief with a Double Agenda was first published in London in 1988 but was made unavailable in South Africa because of litigation threats by Mangosuthu Buthelezi (clan name Gatsha). Jacana Media has now republished this historic work to make it widely available, and it is News24's Book of the Month for July. Operating from within the South African government's apartheid systems, Buthelezi – Chief Minister of the KwaZulu homeland – presented himself as a leading opponent of apartheid but resolutely opposed the struggle for liberation led by the ANC and its allies. He preached a doctrine of non-violence yet headed the Inkatha movement, which was widely accused of using violence against its opponents. In contrast to the call of the worldwide anti-apartheid movement for sanctions against South Africa, Buthelezi toured Western capitals seeking new investments. Who was this man, and what did he stand for? Whose side was he on? Jabulani Nobleman 'Mzala' Nxumalo examined these vital questions in an analysis using a wide range of materials, including interviews with some of Buthelezi's contemporaries, to investigate a complex political figure. In this edited extract from the introduction, Radebe gives the background to his controversial figure and the book. BOOK: Gatsha Buthelezi: Chief with a Double Agenda by Jabulani Nobleman 'Mzala' Nxumalo (Jacana) In the complex and contested history of South Africa's national liberation struggle, few figures have provoked as much controversy or generated such polarising views as the late 'traditional prime minister' to the Zulu kingdom and the founder of Inkatha Freedom Party, Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi (1928-2023). Revered by his followers as a traditionalist, nationalist, and statesman, and reviled by many within and beyond the liberation movement as a collaborator and reactionary, Buthelezi's political legacy remains entangled in contradictions. Nowhere are these contradictions more systematically dissected than in Jabulani Nobleman 'Mzala' Nxumalo's 1988 book Gatsha Buthelezi: Chief with a Double Agenda. Far from a conventional biography, Mzala's book qualifies to be regarded as a revolutionary polemic, influenced by Marxist-Leninist analysis and tradition, and intended not merely to inform but to also intervene. In this book, Mzala subjects Buthelezi to a public trial, ultimately indicting him as a political quisling – an African leader who, masked in the rhetoric of Zulu nationalism, eventually lent legitimacy to the apartheid regime's ethno-nationalist and divide-and-rule strategy. Indeed, it is difficult to imagine that such a characterisation wouldn't meet fierce contradictions. The publication of Chief with a Double Agenda marked a critical moment in the ideological contestation over the meaning of leadership, collaboration, and struggle for liberation in the latter years of apartheid South Africa. Mzala did not merely question Buthelezi's political choices, he denounced the entire edifice of the Bantustan system and its ideological underpinnings. In so doing, he exposed Buthelezi's role not as a tactical opponent of apartheid from within but as a vital cog in the apartheid state's infrastructure. Indeed, Buthelezi's association held strategic historical significance for the National Party, largely due to the demographic and symbolic weight of the Zulu kingdom, which the regime viewed as instrumental in legitimising and sustaining the broader project of apartheid. Mzala's thesis, delivered with precision and polemical force, rendered the book a political spectre – one that would haunt Buthelezi's public life until the very end. The significance of Mzala's intervention lies not only in its critique of one man but in what it reveals about the broader political conjuncture, particularly in the tumultuous 1980s. At a time when the apartheid state was facing internal revolts and international condemnation, and when elements within the liberation movement were debating strategies of armed struggle, negotiation, and mass mobilisation, Chief with a Double Agenda offered a sharp reminder that not all black leaders operated in the service of liberation. Mzala consistently advanced the argument that blackness, in and of itself, was not a marker of revolutionary consciousness and insisted that pigmentation alone, 'even if blacker than coal,' did not equate to progressiveness. Grounded in a Marxist-Leninist analysis of class collaboration and the national question, he categorically located Bantustan leaders such as Kaiser Matanzima, Lucas Mangope, and Patrick Mphephu within the camp of counter-revolutionaries, whose roles he viewed as antithetical to the objectives of national liberation. Equally, for Mzala, Buthelezi's insistence on operating within the apartheid-sanctioned structures, his leadership of the KwaZulu Bantustan, his opposition to sanctions, and his antagonism towards the United Democratic Front (UDF), represented not pragmatism but betrayal. It would be disingenuous to overlook the extent to which Buthelezi's legacy remains deeply contested, particularly in relation to his engagement with apartheid-era policies such as the Bantu Authorities Act (BAA). Enacted in 1951, the BAA constituted a foundational pillar of the apartheid state's ideology of 'separate development', systematically entrenching ethnic divisions by co-opting traditional leadership structures and institutionalising Bantustans as pseudo-autonomous entities under the firm grip of state control. Buthelezi assumed the chieftaincy of the Buthelezi 'clan' within the framework of this system in the early 1950s, a position that shaped his later political trajectory. As Chief Minister of KwaZulu, he projected himself as a vocal opponent of apartheid, even as he operated squarely within the architecture of the Bantustan system. This duality became a defining feature of his political identity and a source of enduring controversy among scholars, activists, and political commentators. While Buthelezi consistently defended his participation in the Bantustan system as a form of strategic resistance from within, many critics interpreted his role as calculated collaboration with the apartheid state. His refusal to accept nominal 'independence' for KwaZulu distinguished him from other homeland leaders, with Buthelezi arguing that such 'independence for the homelands was a government strategy aimed at stripping blacks of their South African citizenship' (JL Marshfield). Yet, notwithstanding this stance, his tenure was characterised by authoritarian governance and credible allegations of political violence, particularly targeting ANC-aligned structures such as the UDF. The findings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) further complicated his legacy, establishing evidence of collusion between Inkatha and the apartheid security apparatus. Some scholars characterised Buthelezi as a conservative nationalist who sought to 'use the system against itself' by operating within the confines of the apartheid framework and exploiting the margins of state tolerance in an effort, ostensibly, to subvert its legitimacy from within. Yet, his frequent appropriation of historical figures such as Pixley ka Seme to buttress his own leadership claims demonstrate the ideological ambiguity at the heart of his political project. This manoeuvring often placed him at odds with the broader liberation movement, particularly the ANC, which viewed his sustained engagement with the apartheid state as both politically damaging and ideologically suspect. Nowhere did these tensions find sharper expression than in Mzala's Chief with a Double Agenda, whose incisive critiques cast Buthelezi as a political actor deeply complicit in legitimising apartheid. As such, any serious engagement with Buthelezi's legacy must grapple with the dialectic of resistance and collaboration.

Ethiopia completes the power-generating dam on the Nile that caused a dispute with Egypt
Ethiopia completes the power-generating dam on the Nile that caused a dispute with Egypt

Yahoo

time9 hours ago

  • Yahoo

Ethiopia completes the power-generating dam on the Nile that caused a dispute with Egypt

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia (AP) — Ethiopia's prime minister said Thursday that a controversial power dam on the Nile is now complete, a major milestone for his country amid a dispute with Egypt over equitable sharing of the water. Egypt has long opposed the dam because of concerns it would deplete its share of Nile River waters. Egypt has referred to the dam, known as the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, as an existential threat because the Arab world's most populous country relies almost entirely on the Nile to supply water for agriculture and its more than 100 million people. Negotiations between Ethiopia and Egypt over the years have not led to a pact, and questions remain about how much water Ethiopia will release downstream if a drought occurs. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, in his address to lawmakers Thursday, said his government is 'preparing for its official inauguration" in September. 'While there are those who believe it should be disrupted before that moment, we reaffirm our commitment: the dam will be inaugurated,' he said. Abiy said his country 'remains committed to ensuring that our growth does not come at the expense of our Egyptian and Sudanese brothers and sisters.' 'We believe in shared progress, shared energy, and shared water,' he said. 'Prosperity for one should mean prosperity for all.' Ethiopia and Egypt have been trying to find an agreement for years over the $4 billion dam, which Ethiopia began building in 2011. Tensions over the dam, the largest in Africa, once were so high that some observers feared the two countries might go to war over it. But Ethiopia won the diplomatic support of upstream nations such as Uganda, home to a regional partnership of 10 countries that last year signed an accord on the equitable use of water resources from the Nile River basin. The accord of the partnership, known as the Nile Basin Initiative, came into force in October without being ratified by Egypt or Sudan. The dam, on the Blue Nile near the Sudan border, began producing power in 2022. The project is expected to ultimately produce over 6,000 megawatts of electricity, which is double Ethiopia's current output and enough to make the East African nation of 120 million a net energy exporter. The dam is located about 500 kilometers (311 miles) northwest of the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa. It is 1,800 meters long and 175 meters high, and is backed by a reservoir that can hold up to 74 billion cubic meters of water, according to the main contractor. Ethiopia insists the dam is a crucial development that will help pull millions of its citizens out of poverty and become a major power exporter. It was not immediately possible to get a comment from Egypt, which has long asserted its rights to Nile water according to the terms of a colonial-era agreement. The agreement between Egypt and the United Kingdom gave downstream Egypt and Sudan rights to the Nile water, with Egypt taking the majority. That agreement, first signed in 1929, took no account of the other nations along the river basin that have demanded a more equitable accord. ___ Muhumuza contributed from Kampala, Uganda. Samuel Getachew And Rodney Muhumuza, The Associated Press Error in retrieving data Sign in to access your portfolio Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data

Ivory Coast youth, a giant majority, await their turn in politics
Ivory Coast youth, a giant majority, await their turn in politics

Yahoo

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Ivory Coast youth, a giant majority, await their turn in politics

As Ivory Coast heads for presidential elections this year, the heaviest hitters remain two octogenarians who have dominated its politics for decades -- but three in four citizens in the African dynamo are under 35. At age 83, President Alassane Ouattara, whose party has nominated him to run for a fourth term in the October elections, has been in office for 15 years. His top rival is the man he ousted from power after two bloody civil wars, Laurent Gbagbo, 80, who has declared his candidacy, even though he is barred from running over a conviction stemming from the conflict. That leaves little room for a new, politically engaged generation to seek power in one of the world's fastest-growing economies -- an issue young politicians say they are trying to handle with patience as they await their turn in an ageing political arena. "It's a gerontocracy," said political scientist Geoffroy Kouao. "Our political parties generally have elderly leaders," he told AFP. "In the popular imagination, 'youth' is a synonym for political immaturity. The leaders don't trust them." The only member of government under the age of 50 in Ivory Coast is currently Youth Minister Mamadou Toure, 49. Tidjane Thiam, the leader of the main opposition party, the Democratic Party of Ivory Coast (PDCI), has been hailed as a figure of "renewal", at age 62. Yet 75.6 percent of Ivory Coast's 29 million people are under 35, the minimum age to run for president. - Biding their time - The shortage of youth in top leadership roles is partly cultural, said Mylene Amary Kacou, the 32-year-old vice president of Gbagbo's party, the African People's Party -- Ivory Coast (PPA-CI). "In Africa, we say our elders are always right," she said. Like other emerging political figures interviewed by AFP, 40-year-old Valentin Kouassi of the PDCI said he values learning from his more-experienced elders. But "you don't get into politics without having ambitions of your own," he said. The country should be "as democratic as possible", he said -- a doubly pointed comment, given both the lack of young people in power and the fact his party's leader, Thiam, has been banned from running after a court ruling cast doubt on his nationality. Critics have condemned the bans on Thiam, Gbagbo and two other opposition figures as attempts to sideline Ouattara adversaries, accusations the government denies. Young Ivorians who oppose Ouattara's government broadly share the same complaint: a lack of good jobs. The official unemployment rate in the leading cocoa and palm oil producer is 2.3 percent. But 88.4 percent of jobs are in the poorly paid informal sector, according to the African Development Bank. Struggling to find their place in the economy and in politics, many young Ivorians are torn between chasing their dreams and patiently waiting their turn. - 'Climb through the ranks' - "I want to climb through the ranks. But I'm not putting my personal ambitions first," said another rising young politician, Mamadou Kone, 36, a youth ministry adviser and youth leader of the ruling RHDP party. Issouf Olivier Traore, 29, rejects criticism that Ivory Coast's youth are apolitical. Traore, the national youth secretary for opposition movement Ivory Coast Today and Tomorrow (ADCI), ran unsuccessfully in the 2023 local elections. "My generation supported me. They're ready to get involved if one of their own accepts the challenge" of running for office, he said. He called for a country where peaceful transfers of power are the norm, after a series of bloody election-related crises and conflicts from 2002 to 2011. "That's what we young people want to see," he said. As they wait for their own careers to take off, youth leaders are loyally supporting their elders for the October elections. But they have their sights set high -- like PPA-CI vice president Kacou, who said she sees herself as "minister or president -- why not?" "But in 25 or 30 years," she added. bam/pid/jhb/kjm

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