logo
UTEP issues memo on ICE protocols amid Trump's immigration actions

UTEP issues memo on ICE protocols amid Trump's immigration actions

USA Today05-02-2025
As immigration actions ramp up across the country, the University of Texas at El Paso is preparing faculty and staff for possible encounters on campus.
A memo emailed to staff on Monday, Feb. 3, provided guidance "to help faculty and staff understand their responsibilities should they interact with (U.S. Customs and Immigration Enforcement) officers" on campus.
The student population at UTEP is 84% Hispanic, according to the university's website, including 830 Mexican students. As of fall 2023, about 500 students from other countries were attending the university, according to UTEP's Center for Institutional Evaluation, Research and Planning.
UTEP Assistant Vice President for Media Relations Nadia Whitehead confirmed in an email that no ICE agents have been seen on campus thus far but declined to comment on what prompted the memo or what concerns students might have.
The memo stated that immigration officers are allowed to enter any public area on campus but entering non-public areas, such as classrooms or offices, could require a judicial warrant.
If officers request access to non-public areas or university records, the memo advises UTEP staff to "stay calm and be respectful" and contact campus police or the university's legal affairs department.
Adam Powell covers government and politics for the El Paso Times and can be reached via email at apowell@elpasotimes.com.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Americans' perception of discrimination against Black people dropped in last four years
Americans' perception of discrimination against Black people dropped in last four years

Fox News

time4 hours ago

  • Fox News

Americans' perception of discrimination against Black people dropped in last four years

A new report shows that slightly less than half of U.S. adults believe that Black and Hispanic people face "a great deal" or "quite a bit" of discrimination in the United States. According to the Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research poll, the number of people saying Asian people and Black people are experiencing discrimination has dropped since the last time the survey was conducted in April 2021. Four in 10 say that Black and Hispanic people face "quite a bit" or "a great deal" of discrimination. Three in 10 say the same about Asian people, and one in 10 say it about White people, according to the report. The previous Associated Press-NORC poll was conducted a year after the death of George Floyd when protests occurred all across the country calling for an end to racial discrimination in police activities. The last survey showed that 61% of U.S. adults said there was a great deal or quite a bit of discrimination against Black Americans. The new survey also noted that while many groups experience discrimination, the report showed skepticism that diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programs are effective at mitigating discrimination. "Many say DEI programs do not make a difference and roughly 3 in 10 think DEI initiatives increase discrimination against most racial and ethnic groups including White people. About a third feel DEI efforts are reducing discrimination against women, Hispanic people, and Asian people while 4 in 10 say the same about Black people," the report stated. The Philadelphia Tribune interviewed Americans to get their reactions to the latest poll. Claudine Brider, a 48-year-old Black Democrat in Compton, California, told the Tribune that "the concept of DEI has made the workplace difficult for Black people and women in new ways." "Anytime they're in a space that they're not expected to be, like seeing a Black girl in an engineering course... they are seen as only getting there because of those factors," Brider said. "It's all negated by someone saying, 'You're only here to meet a quota.'" Gilbert, Arizona resident Pete Parra said that "DEI is making things harder for racial minorities now." He worries about how his two adult Hispanic sons will be treated when they apply for work. "I'm not saying automatically just give it to my sons," said Parra, who leans toward the Democratic Party. But he's concerned that now factors other than merit may take priority. "If they get passed over for something," he said, "they're not going to know (why)." Many proponents of DEI argue that the effort corrects historical injustices and systemic inequities. However, conservatives say that it promotes division instead, leading DEI initiatives to face opposition from conservative groups and state legislatures across the U.S.

Judges are scrutinizing the latest mismatch between White House deportation rhetoric and DOJ's position in court
Judges are scrutinizing the latest mismatch between White House deportation rhetoric and DOJ's position in court

Politico

time6 hours ago

  • Politico

Judges are scrutinizing the latest mismatch between White House deportation rhetoric and DOJ's position in court

Homeland Security officials did not respond to requests for comment. A White House spokesperson, Abigail Jackson, did not directly respond to questions about the discrepancy between Miller's comments and the administration's position in court. 'The Trump Administration is committed to carrying out the largest mass deportation operation in history by enforcing federal immigration law and removing the countless violent, criminal illegal aliens that Joe Biden let flood into American communities,' Jackson said. A Justice Department spokesperson said there is no disconnect between the DOJ's court filings and the White House's public statements. 'The entire Trump Administration is united in fully enforcing our nation's immigration laws and the DOJ continues to play an important role in vigorously defending the President's deportation agenda in court,' the DOJ spokesperson said. Immigration advocates have pointed to reports about the daily 3,000-arrest quota as proof that the administration's most extreme tactics — ones they contend violate due process and other constitutional or legal principles — are the result of a single-minded drive to hit numerical targets. Judges have pointed to those reports as well, figuring them into the analysis of whether the administration's tactics are legal. The existence of the target has created particular complications in the case challenging the immigration sweeps in Los Angeles. The administration is fighting an order that a federal judge issued last month prohibiting ICE from conducting 'roving' immigration arrests based on broad criteria such as presence at a home improvement store or car wash. The claim of a quota featured prominently in oral arguments at the 9th Circuit last week on the administration's bid to overturn that order. And when the 9th Circuit ruled Friday night, leaving the order largely intact, the judges seemed to highlight the contradiction by quoting the entirety of DOJ's denial and then taking note of Miller's statement to Fox about a 'goal.' The three Democratic-appointed judges assigned to the case said the vague factors ICE appeared to be relying on 'impermissibly cast suspicion on large segments of the law-abiding population, including anyone in the District who appears Hispanic, speaks Spanish or English with an accent, wears work clothes, and stands near a carwash, in front of a Home Depot, or at a bus stop.' During the arguments Monday, the appeals judges assigned to the case pressed the Justice Department for an answer on whether ICE officers were under pressure to meet some numerical target that might encourage them to detain people based on grounds that fall short of the 'reasonable suspicion' the law required.

This Mexican city had one of the world's highest homicide rates — so it fired most of its police
This Mexican city had one of the world's highest homicide rates — so it fired most of its police

Los Angeles Times

time6 hours ago

  • Los Angeles Times

This Mexican city had one of the world's highest homicide rates — so it fired most of its police

CELAYA, Mexico — On a sunny spring day last year, a young attorney named Gisela Gaytán kicked off her campaign for mayor in this gritty Mexican city. Under her blouse she wore a ballistic vest. Celaya had become the epicenter of a bloody cartel war, with one of the highest homicide rates in the world, and a local police force that appeared powerless to stop it. 'We must recover the security that we so long for,' Gaytán, 38, wrote on social media before setting out that day. As she shook hands at an event on the outskirts of town, a man approached, raised a gun and shot her in the head. After her funeral, where a priest lamented 'a death caused by murderers who believe they control society,' local Morena party leaders picked a new candidate: Juan Miguel Ramírez Sánchez, a bespectacled former university rector who had worked on Gaytán's campaign. Ramírez believed that one of Celaya's most urgent problems was its police, who instead of fighting organized crime appeared to be involved in it. His son-in-law had been killed in a case that was still unsolved, and officers had demanded bribes and obstructed the investigation. Police misconduct was well documented: Local cops were prosecuted for abusing detainees and participating in kidnappings and even homicides. Ramírez won the election. And in his first act as mayor, he fired 340 of the roughly 600 officers on the force. Then — as officials across Mexico have been doing for nearly two decades now — he called in federal troops. Mexican President Felipe Calderón first deployed soldiers into the streets to fight drug traffickers in 2006, promising then that the military would stay only until police could be reformed. In the years since, leaders across the political spectrum have repeatedly vowed to better train and root out corruption among the country's cops — a step that security experts agree is essential to reducing crime and violence. But with the exception of Mexico's capital and a few other major cities, those efforts have lost steam. Officials have slashed funding for state and local police forces, and disbanded the federal police altogether. Cops continue to be near-universally reviled, with federal surveys showing that 9 out of 10 Mexicans don't trust the police. At the same time, Mexico has vastly expanded the military's role in public security. There are now more soldiers, marines and members of the national guard deployed nationally than state and local police officers, according to an analysis by the Citizen Security Program at the Universidad Iberoamericana. In most parts of the country, there are fewer state and local police today than there were when the drug war began in 2006. 'The police have been abandoned in favor of militarization,' said Ernesto López Portillo, a researcher who leads the Iberoamericana program. There is little evidence that the strategy has worked. Homicides remain persistently high, although they have dipped slightly in recent years. And cartels have only expanded their reach, with a U.S. military analysis finding that criminal groups control more than one-third of Mexico. Yet officials continue to embrace militarization as the country's primary security strategy. That even includes leftists who once fiercely warned of the dangers of ceding public security to soldiers, including President Claudia Sheinbaum and her predecessor, Andrés Manuel López Obrador. The mayor's abrupt decision to summarily replace most of the police force in Celaya, a patchwork of farmland and factories in central Guanajuato state, is a case study in why Mexicans have lost faith in local law enforcement — and what happens when soldiers take over. Celaya used to be a tranquil city. Its location along a highway and railroad that stretch 600 miles to the United States drew Honda and other automakers to build plants here. For years, a local criminal group called the Santa Rosa de Lima cartel quietly stole fuel from the major oil pipelines that cross the region. It wasn't until the notorious Jalisco New Generation Cartel edged in several years ago that violence exploded. The groups battled for control of pipelines but also drug trafficking, extortion rackets and theft of cargo trucks. Celaya became synonymous with violence as criminals gunned down shopkeepers who refused to pay extortion fees, drug users who couldn't pay their dealers and everyday citizens who happened to be in the wrong place at the wrong time. They carried out massacres at hotels, bars and even funerals. By 2024, Celaya had a homicide rate of 87 killings per 100,000 people — 17 times the rate in the United States. It had long been clear that the city's police force was, at best, not up to the challenge — and, at worst, deeply corrupt. The 600 cops on the force in Celaya, which has a population of around half a million, were half of the 1,200 that the United Nations recommends for a city of its size. Officers were poorly trained and badly paid. That made them easy targets for criminals who offered cash in exchange for intelligence, muscle or simply looking the other way when a crime was committed. When police didn't cooperate — or didn't cooperate correctly — they were often killed. In 2024, a cop here was 400 times more likely to be killed than one in the United States. Fanny Ramírez, the daughter of a street vendor and a maid, was 21 when she enrolled in Celaya's police academy. After eight years with the force, she earned just $900 a month, little more than a worker on an assembly line. Her boyfriend was also a police officer in Celaya. Fanny warned her family to steer clear of the cops, said her sister, Elisabeth. After Elisabeth's husband witnessed a triple homicide several years ago, Fanny instructed him: 'Go inside and say you don't know anything.' 'The police are supposed to take care of you,' Elisabeth said. 'But here, we have to protect ourselves from the police.' Mayor Ramírez wasn't the first local politician to try to clean house. Previous leaders had made a show of purging dozens or even hundreds of police officers that they claimed were rotten. But with most mayors serving just a single three-year term and scant public funds, reform efforts gained no traction. Experts say change takes time and requires concrete action to raise salaries, improve recruitment criteria and strengthen oversight. On the national level, the approach to policing was inconsistent. Before he was elected president in 2018, López Obrador criticized his predecessors for replacing police with soldiers. 'We can't use the military to make up for the civilian government's shortcomings,' López Obrador insisted, vowing to send soldiers 'back to their barracks.' On taking office, he changed his tune. Facing record high homicide rates, he released a security plan that argued that taking soldiers off the streets would be 'disastrous' because cops were 'controlled by organized crime and moved by self-interest and corruption.' He dismantled the federal police, a famously corrupt force whose longtime leader was convicted in the U.S. of taking bribes from the Sinaloa cartel. And López Obrador steered money once destined for local and state law enforcement to create a 120,000-officer-strong national guard, a force he vowed would be 'incorruptible' and civilian-led, and which was supposed to take over the investigative functions of the federal police. In fact, nearly 90% of the members of the national guard are former soldiers, and few have been trained to carry out investigations. In Celaya, violence continued to spiral. And policing never improved. Last year, about a month before the mayoral candidate was cut down with bullets, Fanny set out to drop her 6-year-old daughter off at child care before starting work. She was driving a sedan that belonged to her boyfriend. Assailants opened fire. She and her daughter died on the spot. A few months later, Fanny's boyfriend was gunned down, too. Neither case has been solved, but Fanny's sister believes the deaths were connected to the boyfriend's ties to organized crime. Shortly after he was elected mayor in June 2024, Ramírez said he was approached by cartel members who asked for positions in his government. He said he rebuffed them, but was shaken. 'I've been afraid like all citizens,' he said. He met with Mexico's top public security official and told her he had no confidence in Celaya's police. 'Not all of them were bad,' he said recently, 'but most were.' She pledged to send him 500 members of the national guard. The mayor's mass firing of police faced criticism from his political opponents. Mauro González Martínez, the top security official in Guanajuato state, a former federal police officer and member of an opposition party, said national guard troops and other members of the armed forces were not equipped to fight crime. 'The army is trained for war,' he said in an interview. 'A police officer investigates. A soldier kills.' Nancy Angélica Canjura Luna, an analyst at a think tank called Causa en Comun, said that while soldiers are seen as less corruptible than police because they typically come from other parts of the country, that means they know little about the region they are supposed to be protecting. 'They are always new,' she said. 'They don't know the criminal dynamics and they don't know the territory itself.' But others in Celaya, exhausted by years of violence, welcomed the troops and two high-ranking military officers loaned to the city to lead its new security force as a show of strength. Army Col. Pablo Muñoz Huitrón and Lt. Col. Bernardo Cajero rode into town in an armed convoy, dressed in camouflage fatigues. As they strode into City Hall, they were flanked by soldiers. Muñoz was quickly sworn in as Celaya's secretary of public security, a role traditionally occupied by civilians, but which in many cities is now filled by current or former soldiers or marines. Cajero was tasked with leading the officers who had survived the purge and the guardsman who now worked alongside them. When Cajero switched from his olive green army fatigues to a blue police uniform, he was startled by how differently people treated him. 'My first realization was how much people hate the police,' he said. The pair, who had served in cartel hot spots like Tamaulipas and Michoacán, devised a plan. The city's remaining police would patrol alongside members of the military to reduce opportunities for corruption. Security forces would focus on improving response times for 911 calls and increasing the number of checkpoints around the city to make sure drivers weren't carrying guns or drugs. Celaya's leaders say crime rates have fallen. Between January and June, there were 158 homicides in the city, according to the local government, down from 257 during the same time last year. But high-profile acts of violence continue. Cajero was patrolling on a recent night when the radio crackled with a report of a homicide. His convoy raced to an intersection where a taxi lay overturned. The driver had been shot. His 12-year-old daughter, who had been in the passenger seat, survived but was in shock. 'Take me to my father,' she wailed as a paramedic tended to her wounds. Earlier this year, the mayor's bodyguard was shot to death outside his own home. Ramírez, who cries while remembering him, said the perpetrators were likely criminals angry about his new security plan. 'Obviously it was to send me a message,' Ramírez said. Some locals have bristled at the presence of federal forces in their streets. Alejandro, a 24-year-old Uber driver who did not give his last name because of fear of reprisals, said he had been stopped frequently by national guard members, and treated as roughly as by police while they reviewed his car and identity. 'They're all the same,' he said. This summer, 11 members of the national guard were charged with theft after they were caught extracting fuel from an illegal tap not far from Celaya. 'How can we trust people who are robbing from us?' Alejandro said. 'That's not logical.' Sheinbaum won the presidency last year in part on a promise to replicate the security strategy she had embraced as mayor of Mexico City, which focused on improving investigations, professionalizing cops and implementing community policing models developed in U.S. cities such as Oakland. But as president she has taken few steps toward police reform, and she recently pushed a constitutional amendment that puts the national guard permanently under military control. The lack of federal help has made it challenging for Celaya's efforts to rebuild its police force. On a recent afternoon at the city's aging police academy, young officers rappelled down walls and simulated hand-to-hand combat. They practiced wielding guns but not actually shooting them because the cost of bullets was too high. One recent graduate, 29-year-old Jose Francisco Hernández Herrera, decided to join the police after his brother, a merchant, was killed by criminals. Hernández said instructors rarely discussed how police should handle bribery offers from organized crime, even if it may be only a matter of time before he is approached. 'You're never 100% prepared,' he said, adding that he would refuse to cooperate for his brother's memory, and because he wants his son to live in a city where he can trust police. 'If you really want to change your society, you have to make the right decision, even if it's the more complicated one.' Ramírez has touted young officers like Hernández as the future of Celaya. But the academy is graduating fewer than 20 officers a month, and is struggling to recruit new officers. Pay starts at just $800 a month. Recently, the city put out a call to current and former soldiers, asking them to take jobs on the force. Estefania Vela, a human rights lawyer at a think tank called Intersecta, worries militarization is near-sighted. 'Nobody disputes that the police have problems,' she said. 'But what are you doing to fix those problems?' Officials say the new force is not intended to be permanent. But how long will they stay? And what happens when they leave? 'It's necessary today,' said Muñoz, the colonel in charge of the deployment. 'Tomorrow, who knows?'

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store