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Chicago ended 2024 with a $161M deficit

Chicago ended 2024 with a $161M deficit

Mayor Brandon Johnson's already gaping budget hole will be even tougher to fill heading into next year as City Hall officials on Monday closed the book on the 2024 fiscal year, showing the city's general fund was $161 million underwater.
Major sources of revenues in the city's general fund came in far lower than anticipated, most notably a $175 million pension payment that City Hall wanted Chicago Public Schools to pay back but didn't, and a $165 million drop in personal property replacement taxes from the state. In all, general fund revenues in the $16.77 billion budget were $378 million lower than the city expected.
Those hits essentially drained the city's 'unassigned fund balance' — a slice of reserves that have helped deflect some big budget hits. The city's overall reserve balance at the end of 2024 stood at more than $1 billion, down from a high of $1.94 billion at the end of 2022 when the city was flush with federal pandemic relief dollars. The biggest drawdowns on those reserves were to make extra pension payments designed to keep the four major pension funds afloat and reduce payments in the long term.
Although city budget officials argued the balance in those reserves was on par with what it was before the pandemic and that the city still had plenty of cash on hand, ratings agency Fitch warned earlier this year that the city has a 'dwindling cushion' in its overall reserves.
'Even in the face of extraordinary financial pressures, we stayed focused on making critical investments in our people and our communities to lay the foundation for the long-term fiscal stability of our city,' Johnson said in a release that touted his $1.25 billion housing and economic development plan and other community development grants. 'This year's ACFR reflects not only the realities of our current financial landscape but also our commitment to putting people first.'
2024 expenditures were $217 million lower than projected, helping stem the tide of last year's revenue underperformance.
'General government' costs were about $400 million below projections, including a much smaller subsidy for paying down other debts. Chief Financial Officer Jill Jaworski said those 'significant reductions' in spending were 'very effective.'
Those savings were, however, undercut by $207 million in additional public safety costs that have plagued Chicago's budget year after year. City officials said overtime costs at the Chicago Police Department and big court settlements were the main drivers.
The figures were released Monday by City Hall officials as part of the Annual Comprehensive Financial Report, or ACFR, which is the final tally of expenditures and revenues from the previous year that the city publishes every summer. Johnson's budget team briefed reporters and members of the City Council on the figures Monday afternoon, a kickoff to the fall budget season.
In detailing the city's finances, the City Hall leaders were optimistic CPS would reimburse the city for last year's $175 million pension payment for nonteacher staff. The proposed payment by CPS was controversial as former CPS CEO Pedro Martinez said it was financially imprudent for the school district, an opinion that hastened his eventual departure.
Current CPS leadership is 'being realistic about what their actual budget gap is, and it does recognize this commitment toward' the payment to the pension fund, budget director Annette Guzman said. Macqueline King, the district's interim leader who took over for Martinez, tacked on that pension cost when announcing the district's roughly $730 million deficit last week.
The city hopes to largely offload 'entanglement' costs as CPS moves further away from mayoral control.
'We are the only city in Illinois who pays for the pension contributions for non-employees,' Jaworski said. 'It's a significant cost to us and it's one that we don't control.'
The city's revenue shortfall was expected, said Ald. Pat Dowell, chair of the City Council's Finance Committee. She praised the city for controlling costs when it anticipated the shortfall and improving its pension standing. Work on the city's next budget is well underway, she said, touting an effort to bring down police and fire costs by getting more sidelined personnel back to work.
Aldermen are already exploring several new revenue streams to help fill what Johnson has hinted would be a deficit of more than $1 billion, including light pole advertising, higher towing and storage rates, and efforts to authorize video gambling terminals within city limits.
Johnson's budget team on Monday previewed a study they plan to release next month showing that the benefits of introducing the gambling machines to city bars and restaurants would be minimal at best and would likely in job cuts at the city's only casino, Bally's.
While some aldermen and state legislators have pointed to the terminals as a relatively painless revenue source, opponents have argued that the change would cannibalize business at the city casino, where a portion of the revenues is dedicated to paying down police and fire pension costs.
City officials said their outside study estimated the terminals would bring in, at most, just $200,000 in net revenues for 2026 and $12 million in 2027. Total gambling revenues could also fall, they estimated, on top of the city likely losing a guaranteed $4 million annual 'community payment' under their current agreement with Bally's. Hundreds of jobs at Bally's would also be cut, they said the study estimated.
There were some silver linings in the briefings: through this May, expenditures in the city's corporate fund were $79 million lower than expected, while revenues were $79 million higher.
And the city's four pension funds saw slight improvements, the report showed.
In 2024, their combined 'funded ratio' — the percentage that compares the funds' total holdings against their total liabilities — was 26.2%, up from 24.8% the previous year. Across the four funds, however, the total unfunded liability was $35.8 billion, slightly down from last year when it was $37.2 billion.
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Michael Goodwin: Cuomo remains NYC's best shot to keep socialist Mamdani from being mayor – or the city will never be the same
Michael Goodwin: Cuomo remains NYC's best shot to keep socialist Mamdani from being mayor – or the city will never be the same

New York Post

time4 hours ago

  • New York Post

Michael Goodwin: Cuomo remains NYC's best shot to keep socialist Mamdani from being mayor – or the city will never be the same

He lost the primary by a stunning 12-point blowout, but as strange as it sounds, the ball is again back in Andrew Cuomo's court. Is he going to run a serious campaign in the general election, or is he ending his political career with a humiliating defeat? That's the key question for him, but it's also vital for the November election. Cuomo's answer is crucial because the Democrats' full-blown socialist nominee, Zohran Mamdani, is a heavy favorite to win. If he does and is able to implement even half of his radical agenda, New York will never be the same. It's teetering under the flawed leadership of Mayor Adams, but Mamdani is a human wrecking ball whose City Hall would make these troubled days look like a Golden Age. His policies would destroy Gotham's economy and shred the fragile social fabric. Nepo baby disaster His plan to freeze rents on 1 million privately owned apartments would turn the housing crisis into an unfixable disaster. What private developer is going to build apartments if it means losing money on the whims of a nepo-baby mayor who never held a job in the private sector? And if government becomes the major builder, look to the perpetually troubled Housing Authority projects for a vision of the hellscape future. Follow The Post's coverage of the NYC mayoral race Mamdani's racist plan to tax white-owned property higher than others and his support for antisemitic policies are beyond the pale. On top of his backing for the BDS movement, his refusal to condemn the odious phrase 'globalize the intifada' offers tacit support for violence against Jews in Israel and around the world. He's also a 33-year-old elitist who joined the 'defund the police' mob and has talked about dismantling the jail system. Next to him, Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg is a throw-away-the-key champion of law and order. New York has never had a mayor so far out of the mainstream. The closest was Bill de Blasio, and Mayor Putz was the worst leader the city had in 50 years. Which brings us back to Cuomo. The November ballot essentially comes down to a four-person race. In addition to Mamdani on the Dem line, Cuomo and Eric Adams hold independent lines, and Curtis Sliwa is the GOP nominee. Cuomo I believe, is the only one with a realistic chance of defeating Mamdani. Yes, yes, I know that's a hard sell in the immediate aftermath of the thumping the former governor suffered last week. Mamdani beat him by 7 points on the straight vote counting, and the final margin grew to 12 points when the ranked-choice votes were tabulated. Full of regrets The difference reflected the cross-endorsement arrangements Mamdani made with like-minded lefties that enabled him to pick up much of their support when they were eliminated. But the key was the record turnout of 100,000 new voters from ages 18 to 30, who went overwhelmingly for the Queens lawmaker. Polls didn't pick up the surge until the very end, with Cuomo consistently a dominant front-runner since March. One result was that Cuomo was too cautious, acting like an incumbent playing not to lose instead of playing to win. His Rose Garden strategy of skipping candidate forums and granting few interviews reflected what the polls were saying: that his lead was safe. It wasn't and I'm told he's now full of regrets and admits he ran a terrible race. He acknowledged as much in a brief statement to me late Tuesday, in which he said the 'buck stops with me' and that 'I should have focused on a simpler affordability message even in these complex times.' After saying that 'Effective social media is paramount,' he added, 'We're going through the data, but there's no question a fall campaign needs to be a different effort informed by the lessons of this one.' His points reflect the fact that his ads, including those of his well-funded PAC, were good enough in a vacuum, but never countered his opponent's appeal to new voters. In addition, Cuomo was saddled with his own disgraceful exit from Albany four years ago over sexual harassment allegations. He also carries the baggage of his fatal Health Department order requiring nursing homes to take COVID patients, and he never owned and apologized for either, apparently assuming they were too far in the past to matter. He's wrong, and to run in the fall, he must express honest regret to voters. Poll optimism Still, there is already one poll looking ahead that is giving his team some optimism. It was conducted in the first two days after the primary, but got little attention. It deserves more. The Cuomo-aligned Honan Strategy Group found that, going into the general, Cuomo and Mamdani are essentially tied at 39%, with Adams at 13% and Sliwa at 7%. The survey considered two major scenarios: First, if Cuomo didn't actively campaign, Mamdani would have a lead of 15 points over Adams. Second, if Adams effectively decided to drop out, Cuomo would lead Mamdani by four points. In part that's because Cuomo did well among black voters, and would do even better absent Adams. One important finding was this sentence from the pollsters: 'We examined voter sentiment towards the leading candidates among General Election voters, and found that only Andrew Cuomo has a positive favorability rating of 56% to 43% unfavorable.' They found 'Mamdani is more negative than positive, at 48% unfavorable to 40% favorable.' Remember, these results were obtained in the aftermath of Mamdani's victory. Another key takeaway is that 66% of likely fall voters have an unfavorable opinion of Adams, with only 23% favorable. Two-thirds disapprove of his job performance, and '75% agree with the statement that Eric Adams is corrupt and should not run for reelection.' Those findings suggest Adams has almost no chance of winning. The numbers haven't escaped the Cuomo camp, which also believes Sliwa cannot win. Party infighting Part of their confidence in a potential comeback is that Cuomo, although elected four times as a Democrat — once for attorney general and three times as governor — has long had a tense relationship with the party's progressive wing that dominates primaries. Clearly, that wing has grown dramatically in the city, but his team believes the mix of general election voters would be more moderate and more receptive to his ideas. They also believe the fear over a Mamdani mayoralty, even among top Dem officials, works in his favor. One part of his agenda that could be important is Cuomo's plan to hire 5,000 more police officers and keep the popular and successful Jessica Tisch as commissioner of the NYPD. The contrast with Mamdani's anti-police rhetoric and 'defund' record deserves more attention than it got during the primary. My prediction is that Cuomo, after licking his wounds and sounding out key donors and supporters, will throw himself into the November race. At this point, foolish pride is the only thing he has left to lose.

How major new housing reform will affect homebuilding in California
How major new housing reform will affect homebuilding in California

Yahoo

time7 hours ago

  • Yahoo

How major new housing reform will affect homebuilding in California

This week, Gov. Gavin Newsom touched one of the third rails of California politics. He hopes the result sends a shock through the state's homebuilding industry. Newsom strong armed the state Legislature into passing what experts believe are the most significant reforms to the California Environmental Quality Act, or CEQA, since the law was signed in 1970. The changes waive CEQA for just about any proposed low- or mid-rise development in urban neighborhoods zoned for multifamily housing. No more thousand-page studies of soils, the shadows the buildings may cast and traffic they may bring. No more risk of CEQA lawsuits from angry neighbors. Wiping away these rules shows that no matter how challenging the politics, the state will remove the barriers it has built over decades that have ended up stifling housing construction and suffocating Californians' ability to live affordably, the governor said when signing the legislation Monday evening. 'The world we invented has been competing against us,' Newsom said. 'We have got to perform.' Californians won't have to wait long for the effects of the reforms. They took effect with the stroke of the governor's pen. At least in the short term, the result may be less of an immediate impact on construction and more of a revolution in how development in California cities gets done. Numerous hurdles both within and outside of the control of local and state governments — interest rates, availability of labor, zoning, material prices and tariffs among them — still will determine if housing is built. What's changed is that the key point of leverage outside groups have wielded, for good and for ill, over housing construction in California communities is gone. It can be hard to understand how CEQA became, in the words of one critic, 'the law that swallowed California.' At base, all CEQA says is that proponents of a project must disclose and, if possible, lessen its environmental effects before being approved. Yet the process CEQA kicks off can take years as developers and local governments complete reams of studies, opponents sue them as inadequate and judges send everyone back to start all over again. Time is money, and project opponents soon realized that they could use this uncertainty to their advantage. Sometimes, if their complaints fell on deaf ears at City Hall, threatening a CEQA challenge was the only way to get themselves heard and avoid harmful outcomes. But in other circumstances, the law became a powerful cudgel wielded to influence concerns that at best had a tangential relationship to the environment. Examples are legion. The owner of a gas station in San Jose sued a nearby rival gas station that wanted to add a few more pumps. Pro-life advocates sued a proposed Planned Parenthood clinic in South San Francisco. Homeowners in Berkeley sued the University of California over its plans to increase enrollment at the state's flagship university and the traffic and noise that might result. Over time, CEQA negotiations became embedded in California's development regime, known and used by all the major players. Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass once recalled that as a community organizer in South L.A. in the 1990s she used CEQA to try to stop liquor stores from opening. A company owned by billionaire developer Rick Caruso, Bass' opponent in the most recent mayoral election and normally a CEQA critic, this year filed a CEQA lawsuit challenging a major redevelopment of a television studio near a Caruso shopping mall. For housing, the primary interest group invested in CEQA at the state level has been labor organizations representing construction workers. Their leaders have argued that if legislators grant CEQA relief to developers, which boosts their bottom lines, then workers should share in the spoils through better pay and benefits. This union opposition was enough in 2016 to prevent a proposal from then-Gov. Jerry Brown to limit CEQA challenges to urban housing development from even getting a vote in a legislative committee. A year later, a version of Brown's bill passed but only because developers who wanted to take advantage were required to pay union-level wages to workers. Just about every year since, lawmakers have engaged in this dance with labor groups. In 2022, the California Conference of Carpenters defected from the State Building and Construction Trades Council and supported a less-strict version of labor standards, which lawmakers ushered into multiple bills. But housing construction hasn't followed. The number of projects that have been issued permits are millions less than what Newsom promised to build on the campaign trail in 2017. Californians continue to pay record prices to house themselves, and those fleeing the state often cite the cost of living as the reason. Newsom and legislators decided they needed to do more. 'We don't want to sit here and ram our head against the wall on the politics and then have nothing to show for it,' said Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Oakland) at Monday's signing ceremony. Wicks authored legislation this year that waived CEQA rules for urban housing development without any labor requirements and was working it through the regular process. In May, Newsom grabbed Wicks' bill and additional CEQA reform legislation and said he wanted them to pass as part of the budget. Doing so would fast-track the bills into law without the normal whittling down that happens in committee hearings. As budget negotiations heated up, Newsom doubled down. In a rare move, he insisted on tying the approval of the state's entire spending plan for this year to the passage of CEQA reforms. That meant legislators who otherwise would be opposed could only vote no if they were willing to torpedo the budget. What emerged was a clean CEQA exemption for homebuilders in urban multifamily areas. Union-level wages for construction workers only are required for high-rise or low-income buildings, both of which often are paid now because of specialized labor required for taller buildings and other state and local rules for affordable construction. CEQA doesn't affect single-family home construction. How much this is going to matter immediately for homebuilding isn't clear. Studies are mixed on CEQA's effects. One by UC Berkeley law professors found that fewer than 3% of housing projects in many big cities across the state over a three-year period faced any CEQA litigation. Another found tens of thousands of housing units challenged under CEQA in just one year. Still, more advocates of reform argue that it's impossible to quantify the chilling effect that the threat of CEQA lawsuits have on development in California and how much the law has dominated the debate. 'This signals a seismic shift in Democratic politics in California from NIMBYism to abundance,' said Mott Smith, board chair of the Council of Infill Builders, a real estate trade group that advocates for urban housing. 'You can touch this mythical third rail and live to see another day.' Those who live across the street from a proposed five-story apartment building and oppose the housing will have to find a way other than a 55-year-old environmental law to stop it. Sign up for Essential California for news, features and recommendations from the L.A. Times and beyond in your inbox six days a week. This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.

Speaker Johnson: Inclement weather is ‘part of the problem' for House votes on megabill
Speaker Johnson: Inclement weather is ‘part of the problem' for House votes on megabill

The Hill

time7 hours ago

  • The Hill

Speaker Johnson: Inclement weather is ‘part of the problem' for House votes on megabill

Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) on Tuesday said inclement weather in Washington, D.C., is 'part of the problem' House Republicans are grappling with as they look to fast-track their 'big, beautiful bill' through the chamber this week. The House is scheduled to convene at 9 a.m. on Wednesday — with a procedural vote shortly after — to kick off the floor process for the GOP's tax cuts and spending bill, as leaders race to meet their self-imposed July 4 deadline. Several lawmakers, however, have posted on social media that their flights back to the nation's capital have been delayed or canceled as severe weather hits Washington, raising questions about attendance for the initial vote. A severe thunderstorm watch remains in effect in the D.C.-Maryland-Virginia area until 9 p.m. eastern time. Johnson can only afford to lose three Republicans and still clear the procedural hurdle, assuming full attendance and united Democratic opposition, a razor-thin margin that could change because of absences, and help either party. 'We're monitoring the weather closely, we have to figure that out,' Johnson told reporters on Tuesday. Asked if there will be full attendance for a Wednesday-morning vote on a procedural rule, the Speaker responded: 'We're not sure yet.' 'There's a lot of delays right now so that's part of the problem,' he added. At least four members of the House have said publicly that their plans to return to D.C. were scuttled because of the weather: Rep. Nancy Mace (R-S.C.) said two of her flights to the Capitol were canceled — 'Scrambling to find a way to get to DC in time to vote for the Big Beautiful Bill,' she wrote — and Rep. Russell Fry (R-S.C.) said he was driving back to D.C., emphasizing the importance of being in town to vote on the party's marquee bill. 'I was supposed to be on a plane actually headed to Washington, D.C., tonight to vote on the 'one big, beautiful bill' tomorrow in the House, through this week, but flights up and down the east coast are being canceled,' Fry said in a video posted on X. 'But I'm not gonna chance being stuck in Myrtle Beach in this historic opportunity. I'm getting in the car right now, we're just leaving town and we're gonna drive all the way through until we get to Washington, D.C., at 9.' 'The moment is too important to sit around and wait in an airport. Let's go deliver on President Trump's agenda. So we're gonna vote on the 'one big, beautiful bill this week,' he added. 'In the meantime, I'm gonna have one big, beautiful road trip. It's gonna be great, and we'll see you later tonight in Washington, D.C.' On the other side of the aisle, Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi (D-Ill.) said he was also driving back to D.C. after his flight was canceled, while Rep. Mark Pocan (D-Wis.) said his flight was canceled, so he was driving to Chicago to catch an early plane back to Washington. They both underscored wanting to return to Washington to vote against the GOP megabill. 'Hi I'm at the airport in Madison and my flight just got canceled due to thunderstorms to go to D.C. So I'm driving to Chicago, hoping to get one of the first flights, 6 a.m. tomorrow, but this is part of the glamorous life of Congress, I guess,' Pocan said in a video posted on X. 'Gonna get back though to vote no for sure.' It remains unclear if more Republicans or Democrats are feeling the effects of the inclement weather. Even with full attendance, Johnson was already facing a difficult vote on the procedural rule Wednesday morning, with a handful of hardline House conservatives threatening to oppose the procedural vote — which sets debate for the legislation — because they do not like several provisions in the bill. Such a move would bring legislative business on the House floor to a halt, likely thwarting leadership's hopes of sending President Trump the package by July 4, which is Friday.

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