logo
Trump administration resumes sending some weapons to Ukraine after Pentagon pause

Trump administration resumes sending some weapons to Ukraine after Pentagon pause

Japan Today13 hours ago
President Donald Trump, left, with Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, right, during a cabinet meeting at the White House, Tuesday, July 8, 2025, in Washington. (AP Photo/Evan Vucci)
By TARA COPP
The Trump administration has resumed sending some weapons to Ukraine, a week after the Pentagon had directed that some deliveries be paused, U.S. officials said Wednesday.
The weapons heading into Ukraine include 155 mm munitions and precision-guided rockets known as GMLRS, two officials told The Associated Press on the condition of anonymity to provide details that had not been announced publicly. It's unclear exactly when the weapons started moving.
Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth directed the pause on some shipments last week to allow the Pentagon to assess its weapons stockpiles, in a move that caught the White House by surprise.
Affected was Patriot missiles, the precision-guided GMLRS, Hellfire missiles, Howitzer rounds and more, taking not only Ukrainian officials and other allies by surprise but also U.S. lawmakers and other parts of the Trump administration, including the State Department.
It was not clear if a pause on Patriot missiles would hold. The $4 million munition is in high demand and was key to defending a major U.S. air base in Qatar last month as Iran launched a ballistic missile attack in response to the U.S. targeting its nuclear facilities.
President Donald Trump announced Monday that the U.S. would continue to deliver defensive weapons to Ukraine. He has sidestepped questions about who ordered the pause in exchanges with reporters this week.
'I would know if a decision is made. I will know,' Trump said Wednesday. 'I will be the first to know. In fact, most likely I'd give the order, but I haven't done that yet.'
Asked a day earlier who ordered the pause, he said, 'I don't know. Why don't you tell me?'
Trump has privately expressed frustration with Pentagon officials for announcing the pause — a move that he felt wasn't properly coordinated with the White House, according to three people familiar with the matter.
The Pentagon has denied that Hegseth acted without consulting the president, saying, 'Secretary Hegseth provided a framework for the President to evaluate military aid shipments and assess existing stockpiles. This effort was coordinated across government.'
It comes as Russia has fired escalating air attacks on Ukraine, with a barrage that the largest number of drones fired in a single night in the three-year-old war, Ukrainian officials said Wednesday.
Trump has become increasingly frustrated with Russian President Vladimir Putin, saying he wasn't happy with him.
"Putin is not, he's not treating human beings right,' Trump said during a Cabinet meeting Tuesday, explaining the pause's reversal. 'It's killing too many people. So we're sending some defensive weapons to Ukraine, and I've approved that.'
The 155 mm artillery rounds have become some of the most used munitions of the war. Each round is about 2 feet (60 centimeters) long, weighs about 100 pounds (45 kilograms) and is 155 mm, or 6.1 inches, in diameter. They are used in Howitzer systems, which are towed large guns identified by the range of the angle of fire that their barrels can be set to.
Howitzer fires can strike targets up to 15 to 20 miles (24 to 32 kilometers) away, depending on what type of round and firing system is used, which makes them highly valued by ground forces to take out enemy targets from a protected distance.
The U.S. has provided more than 3 million 155 mm rounds to Ukraine since Russia invaded its neighbor in February 2022. It has sent more than $67 billion in overall weapons and military assistance to Ukraine in that period.
Associated Press writer Aamer Madhani contributed to this report.
© Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Japan's united front on tariffs begins to crack as doubts raised
Japan's united front on tariffs begins to crack as doubts raised

Japan Times

time3 hours ago

  • Japan Times

Japan's united front on tariffs begins to crack as doubts raised

'We must call this a national crisis,' Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba said in April , speaking about new U.S. tariffs. 'The government will do its utmost to respond to this crisis, involving the entire country.' Since then, Japanese politicians and business people ― and, to a certain extent, the public — have largely stood with the prime minister's call for unity. They have been supportive, or at least silent, as the government has taken a firm stance in talks with the United States. But after seven rounds of fruitless negotiations and a subsequent letter from U.S. President Donald Trump on Monday indicating that most Japanese goods exported to the U.S. will be subject to higher duties than originally expected, the united front has started to show some cracks. 'They underestimated the determination of Trump,' Takeshi Niinami, chair of the Japan Association of Corporate Executives and chief executive of Suntory Holdings, was quoted as saying by the Financial Times on Tuesday. 'They thought time was on Japan's side. It was a big mistake.' Niinami went on to say that Japan's stubborn insistence that the U.S. remove all levies on Japan may have left Trump feeling 'betrayed,' and that a 10% baseline tariff could have been successfully negotiated if more flexibility had been telegraphed. He added that Japan may have 'squandered' the legacy of Shinzo Abe, the late prime minister who had built a cozy relationship with Trump during the U.S. president's first term. A spokesperson for the Japan Association of Corporate Executives, commonly known as Keizai Doyukai, told The Japan Times on Thursday that Niinami spoke for himself in the Financial Times interview, and that those remarks do not reflect the association's position. As the leader of one of Japan's largest business lobby groups, Niinami also serves on multiple government panels dealing with economic and fiscal policy, and the prime minister and Ryosei Akazawa, Japan's chief negotiator, also attend some of these panels. Niinami's criticisms have been echoed by some politicians as a crucial Upper House election approaches. Yoshihiko Noda, leader of the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan, on Tuesday criticized the Ishiba administration's lack of progress in tariff talks, saying it should consider replacing Akazawa. He said Ishiba and Trump should talk things out face to face. The CDP chief previously decided against submitting a no-confidence motion against the Ishiba government, citing fear of leaving a 'political vacuum' amid trade talks. 'The current Trump administration is more protectionist than before and is willing to exert pressure with a more aggressive stance,' said Ryo Sahashi, a professor at the University of Tokyo's Institute for Advanced Studies on Asia. 'There is no guarantee that top-level diplomacy would go well, no matter who conducts it,' he continued. 'Moreover, when someone like a top business leader suggests that Japan is divided, it could create the impression of domestic disunity and weaken Japan's negotiating position.' Niinami's blunt remarks came only a few hours after Trump sent letters to 12 countries notifying them of new "reciprocal" tariff rates effective Aug. 1. Japan's rate was set at 25% — one percentage point higher than what was originally announced on April 2. Japan has already started to signal some flexibility in its position. In recent weeks, it has de-emphasized an early demand that all levies must be eliminated, though it still insists that a 25% duty on autos must be lowered. At a stump speech Wednesday, Ishiba stiffened his tone toward Trump's tariff shocks. Japan will say the things that need to be said loudly and with integrity, even to an ally like the United States, he said. 'This is a battle for our national interest. Like hell we'll let them push us around,' Ishiba said.

How NATO's Post-WWII Defense Spending Can Inform Asia's Strategic Shift
How NATO's Post-WWII Defense Spending Can Inform Asia's Strategic Shift

The Diplomat

time4 hours ago

  • The Diplomat

How NATO's Post-WWII Defense Spending Can Inform Asia's Strategic Shift

President Donald Trump and Defesne Secretary Pete Hegseth participate in a press conference, Wednesday, June 25, 2025, during the 2025 NATO Summit at the World Forum in The Hague, Netherlands. In 2025, the U.S. urged key Asian allies, including South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan, to significantly increase their defense budgets to 5 percent of GDP. This request mirrors a historical parallel to the 1950s, when the U.S. pressured NATO countries to raise defense spending in response to Soviet threats. Today, the geopolitical landscape is similarly shaped by the rise of China and the ongoing North Korean challenge, creating comparable strategic imperatives for U.S. allies in Asia. Drawing from NATO's early Cold War defense strategy, this article explores the lessons from NATO's post-WWII experience and offers specific policy recommendations for South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan as they navigate contemporary defense spending debates in the context of shifting global security dynamics. NATO's Defense Spending After WWII: A Post-War Strategic Shift The aftermath of World War II left Europe economically and militarily devastated. The U.S. sought to rebuild Europe as a stable region capable of countering the growing Soviet threat. One key aspect of this strategy was encouraging European countries to take on more responsibility for their own defense rather than relying entirely on U.S. military support. The creation of NATO in 1949 was a critical step in this process, aiming to establish a collective security framework to counter Soviet expansion in Europe. By the early 1950s, NATO's defense strategy faced a critical issue: the U.S. could not bear the full cost of defending Europe alone. It needed its European allies to increase their defense spending to ensure NATO could effectively counter Soviet threats. At the same time, many European economies were still recovering from the devastation of war, and political resistance to military spending was strong. Countries like France, Italy, and West Germany had low defense budgets, partly due to their war-torn economies, though West Germany's recovery began to accelerate in the mid-1950s under U.S. guidance. Even the U.K., with its well-established military, faced significant post-war financial constraints. Despite substantial U.S. financial aid, including the Marshall Plan, NATO countries hesitated to increase defense spending significantly, fearing it would impede their economic recovery. In response, the U.S. pushed NATO allies to allocate more of their GDP to defense and modernize their military forces, but the response was uneven. Countries like France and Italy struggled with fragmented military infrastructure, and the costs of modernization — particularly in radar technologies and strengthening conventional forces — further complicated the situation. In the mid-1950s, under U.S. pressure, NATO saw gradual increases in defense spending, though the response varied among members. This shift was exemplified by the establishment of NATO's Integrated Military Command and the role of the Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR), which helped streamline NATO's defense planning and coordination. By the mid-1950s, NATO countries increasingly recognized the necessity of strengthening their military capabilities to address the growing Soviet threat, and defense spending began to align more closely with Cold War requirements, though progress was uneven. Lessons from NATO's Early Cold War Experience The U.S. push for NATO countries to raise defense spending in the 1950s offers valuable lessons for today's U.S. allies in East Asia, particularly South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan. While the geopolitical dynamics have evolved, the challenges NATO faced during the early Cold War are remarkably similar to those faced by these Asian countries today. In the 1950s, NATO countries struggled with inefficiencies in their defense spending. Many countries allocated funds to outdated or redundant systems that failed to address the evolving Soviet threat. For example, the U.K., which had already developed its own nuclear capabilities by the early 1950s, continued to focus on conventional forces for a period, before transitioning to modernizing its nuclear deterrence strategy. Similarly, South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan must ensure that any increase in their defense budgets focuses on modernizing military capabilities rather than expanding traditional spending. South Korea, for example, should focus on prioritizing investments in anti-ballistic missile capabilities, such as the AIM-174B, along with its own indigenous missile defense systems to address North Korea's escalating missile threats. Japan should focus on enhancing its cyber defense capabilities and expanding its counter-strike capabilities to target North Korean missile and military assets, addressing growing missile and nuclear threats from North Korea. Meanwhile, Taiwan should continue to develop its asymmetric warfare strategies, such as anti-ship missiles and advanced air defense systems, to bolster its deterrence capabilities against China's growing military expansion. Emphasizing capabilities that allow Taiwan to deny China's power projection remains central to Taiwan's defense strategy. In addition, South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan must prioritize investments in emerging technologies such as cyber defense and artificial intelligence-driven systems. These technologies are crucial for countering the evolving threats posed by North Korea and China, and should be integrated into their long-term defense modernization strategies. The Burden-Sharing Challenge In the early Cold War, NATO struggled with burden-sharing as the U.S. was the primary defense provider, and European countries were slow to increase their defense budgets. In the 1950s, NATO members faced challenges in meeting defense spending targets, especially as many countries were still recovering from WWII. The NATO Lisbon Conference (1952) was significant in setting the framework for defense planning and establishing guidelines for burden-sharing within the alliance. However, countries like France and Italy only gradually met defense spending targets over time. South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan face a similar challenge today, with the U.S. remaining the key security provider in East Asia, but increasingly pushing its allies to take more responsibility for their own defense. South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan should gradually increase their defense spending, with clear milestones and timelines. For example, informal cooperation between the U.S., South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan should focus on shared missile defense initiatives, including intelligence sharing, research and development of high-tech anti-ballistic missile systems, and joint military exercises. Increases in defense spending should be tied to operational goals, such as upgrading missile defense infrastructure and developing shared military capabilities in the Indo-Pacific region. Navigating Domestic Resistance to Military Spending One of NATO's challenges in the 1950s was managing domestic resistance to higher defense spending. Many European countries were reluctant to increase military budgets while still recovering from WWII. Similarly, Japan, with its pacifist constitution, and South Korea, focused on economic priorities, must navigate public sentiment carefully when it comes to defense spending. To address these challenges, South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan should invest in public diplomacy campaigns that frame defense spending as essential for national security. Japan, for example, could highlight its role in regional security within the Indo-Pacific, positioning defense spending as a necessary measure against China's maritime expansion. South Korea could emphasize its increased defense spending as a direct response to North Korea's missile provocations, reassuring its citizens of its defensive intent. Taiwan, due to its unique geopolitical position, should stress its critical role in maintaining regional stability and its need to bolster defense capabilities to counter China's growing military power, while safeguarding its right to self-defense. Enhancing Defense Interoperability In the early Cold War, NATO's fragmented military infrastructure made defense planning difficult. The U.S. played a central role in coordinating NATO's defense strategies, helping NATO members work together. Similarly, South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan must ensure their military infrastructure is modernized and aligned with regional security priorities. NATO's experience shows the value of joint military exercises and interoperability between forces. By the mid-1950s, NATO had developed joint operations protocols, enhancing coordination and making NATO forces operate more effectively together. South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan should prioritize joint military exercises and interoperability training to ensure that their forces can act together effectively in defense of regional stability. While Taiwan's formal integration into a regional missile defense system would present significant diplomatic and geopolitical challenges due to its unique international status, informal cooperation and information-sharing among the U.S., South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan can still contribute to a coordinated response to North Korea's missile threats and China's growing military capabilities. Additionally, investing in shared intelligence capabilities and cyber defense systems will improve interoperability and collective defense readiness. Policy Recommendations for South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan Drawing from the lessons of NATO's early Cold War experience, several policy recommendations can assist South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan in effectively increasing their defense spending while addressing modern geopolitical challenges. Rather than simply increasing defense budgets, South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan should focus on modernizing their military forces to meet the 21st-century strategic challenges posed by North Korea and China. South Korea, for instance, should accelerate the enhancement of its missile defense capabilities and increase its procurement of small diameter bombs (SDB I & II), which are highly effective in targeting North Korean transporter erector launchers (TELs). Japan should prioritize investments in advanced missile defense systems, such as Aegis-equipped destroyers and the upcoming Aegis system-equipped vessels (ASEV), to enhance its ballistic missile defense capabilities. Additionally, strengthening cyber defense capabilities through initiatives like the Japan Self-Defense Forces' Cyber Defense Group and collaborating with the National Center of Incident Readiness and Strategy for Cybersecurity (NISC) is crucial to protect against emerging cyber threats. Enhancing maritime defense assets, including submarines, aircraft, and other naval platforms, will ensure Japan's readiness to counter regional threats effectively. Taiwan, facing an increasing military threat from China, should continue developing anti-ship capabilities like the Hsiung Feng III missiles, while strengthening its asymmetric warfare strategy. This includes enhancing air defense systems, such as the Tien Kung (Sky Bow) systems, to better counter China's growing naval and missile capabilities. To address the growing defense burden, South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan must collaborate closely with the U.S. to share the financial burden of defense spending and enhance their collective strategic capabilities. While formal quadrilateral defense agreements may be challenging due to Taiwan's unique geopolitical status, informal collaboration between the U.S., South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan — particularly in areas like missile defense, intelligence sharing, and maritime security — can still enhance regional security. This cooperation should emphasize shared missile defense initiatives, leveraging Taiwan's technological advancements, intelligence sharing, and maritime security efforts that can enhance the collective defense capabilities of the region. Building strong domestic support for increased defense spending is critical to avoid the political challenges NATO faced in the 1950s. Public education campaigns should highlight the necessity of defense spending in the face of growing regional threats, particularly from North Korea and China. In Japan, these campaigns could emphasize Japan's role in regional collective security, while South Korea could frame its defense spending as a direct response to North Korea's missile provocations, ensuring the public understands its defensive purpose. Finally, to enhance defense capabilities and ensure seamless coordination, South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan must prioritize enhancing their defense interoperability. This can be achieved by investing in joint military exercises and interoperability training, particularly in critical areas like missile defense and cyber defense. Furthermore, creating regional defense task forces focused on common threats—such as North Korea's missile program and China's expanding maritime power—will improve strategic effectiveness and readiness, ensuring that the countries can respond efficiently to shared security challenges. Moving Forward: Strengthening Defense Posture in East Asia The U.S. push for increased defense spending from its Asian allies mirrors the Cold War-era experience of NATO, where U.S. pressure led to gradual but necessary increases in defense capabilities. By focusing on strategic modernization, burden-sharing, and public engagement, South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan — each with their unique challenges — can effectively navigate the defense spending debate. Ensuring that their defense budgets are strategically aligned and sustainable will be crucial to strengthening their collective defense posture in an increasingly complex geopolitical environment. By drawing from NATO's early Cold War experiences, these countries can better navigate the challenges of modern security dynamics.

Trump to impose 50% tariff on copper
Trump to impose 50% tariff on copper

NHK

time4 hours ago

  • NHK

Trump to impose 50% tariff on copper

US President Donald Trump has announced a 50 percent tariff on copper imports starting on August 1. He stressed that he wants to bring production of the key metal back to the United States. Trump said in a social media post on Wednesday that the tariff is based on the results of a thorough investigation from the standpoint of national security. He said copper is essential to key sectors, including semiconductors, aircraft, ships, data centers and missile defense systems. US copper futures shot up to a record high in New York this week as investors see domestic prices rising rapidly.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store