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‘Pick different venue next year,' says Calcutta High Court on TMC's July 21 rally

‘Pick different venue next year,' says Calcutta High Court on TMC's July 21 rally

Indian Express3 days ago
The Calcutta High Court on Thursday expressed displeasure over the upcoming July 21 Martyrs' Day rally organised by the Trinamool Congress, and said that from next year, the event should be shifted to an alternative venue.
A petition filed before Justice Tirthankar Ghosh alleged the rally caused inconvenience to the public. While refusing to intervene this year, the judge said, 'At the last moment, I will not change the venue. But from next year, select another place like Sahid Minar, Brigade Parade Ground, or Salt Lake Stadium. Political parties have emotional attachment to such days, but stadiums should be used for such programs.'
The petitioner had pointed out that the rally, to be held on a working Monday, would disrupt traffic and affect office-goers. Justice Ghosh remarked, 'For how many more days will people tolerate? Declare it a holiday. If such programs are held on working days, how will police manage traffic?'
During the hearing, TMC counsel Biswaroop Bhattacharya argued the petition was politically motivated. 'This has been going on for 13 years,' he said. Advocate General Kishore Dutta submitted, 'They are alleging traffic jams. But traffic curbs happen during any major program, even when the Prime Minister or President visits, or during events at Brigade Parade Ground.'
Dutta also questioned the timing of the plea: 'Why was the petition filed just seven days before the rally, when it happens every year? Hundreds to thousands come from the districts; even during Pujas, there are curbs.'
Justice Ghosh, however, said, 'Can you (the state) say there will be no congestion? Let the Police Commissioner submit an affidavit that there will be no traffic disruption.'
Petitioner Shamim Ahmed said, 'We are not asking for a ban. We are saying that Section 144 is imposed from KC Das to Victoria House. When other parties seek permission to hold events there, the state cites traffic disruption as a reason to deny it. Police have already issued notifications stating curbs across major streets.'
Justice Ghosh said that July 21 cannot be observed by 'blocking roads, causing jams, and seizing buses'. A long hearing will be held to decide whether future rallies can be held in front of Victoria House. Until then, the court directed that both the police and ruling party must ensure no traffic jams occur.
The Kolkata Police Commissioner has been asked to submit a bond stating this guarantee. Police notices already issued regarding the rally must be submitted to the court on Friday, Justice Ghosh said. The state will then argue the admissibility of the case.
Since 2011, the rally has been held annually, typically in front of the Victoria House, to commemorate the 1993 police firing that killed 13 protestors from the then-Congress and Trinamool Congress.
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TMC Martyr's Day rally: Several schools in Kolkata declare holiday on July 21
TMC Martyr's Day rally: Several schools in Kolkata declare holiday on July 21

Indian Express

time24 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

TMC Martyr's Day rally: Several schools in Kolkata declare holiday on July 21

Many schools in Kolkata declared a holiday on Monday in anticipation of the Trinamool Congress's Martyrs' Day rally, which is expected to draw thousands of people. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee is expected to address the gathering at Esplanade around 1 pm, but people will arrive in the city early in the morning. The TMC has been organising the annual mega rally for the last 15 years outside Victoria House in Esplanade in the heart of Kolkata to commemorate the deaths of 13 people who were killed in police firing during a demonstration by the West Bengal Youth Congress, which was then led by Banerjee, on July 21, 1993. Loreto House, Loreto Convent Entally, St James' School, The Heritage School, Loreto Day School Sealdah, Loreto Day School Elliot Road, Loreto Day School Dharamtala, and Loreto Day School Bowbazar will remain closed. La Martiniere Schools Boys and Girls, Birla High School, Sushila Birla Girls' School, and Birla High School Mukundapur will hold online classes. South Point will have online classes up to Class 5. According to an official, Classes 6 and above have a parent-teacher meeting that ends by 11.30 am. According to some teachers, a decision will be made later on whether to hold classes on a Saturday to make up for the Monday classes. La Martiniere announced that due to the rally, all classes from the lower nursery to Class 12 will be conducted online. Additionally, the unit test for classes 6 to 12 that was originally scheduled for Monday will now take place on Tuesday. Parents have welcomed the decision to keep schools closed on Monday. In the past, it has frequently been observed that students arrive home around 4.30 pm or even later due to these traffic jams. Many children get restless when they have to wait for long periods on the bus. Debika Burman, whose daughter studies in Loreto House, said, 'It is a good decision because otherwise we also get very worried as to when she will reach home. It becomes very stressful for all.' Anandi Jain, whose son is a student at La Martiniere Boys, said that her son once got stuck in traffic for over three hours. 'I am happy with this decision because previously, once my son, when he was a child, had a traumatic experience of being stuck in traffic jam for hours, after that, I avoided sending him to school on this day.' The Calcutta High Court Friday directed that all processions heading to the TMC's rally at central Kolkata's Dharmatala on July 21 must reach the venue by 8 am or after 11 am to ensure the smooth flow of traffic through Central Kolkata during rush hour. On Thursday, Justice Tirthankar Ghosh, in a verbal observation, also urged the TMC to choose a different venue for the 'Martyrs' Day' rally from next year, such as Shahid Minar, the Brigade Parade Ground, or the Salt Lake Stadium.

18 Muslim women made it to Lok Sabha since independence; 13 of them dynasts: Book
18 Muslim women made it to Lok Sabha since independence; 13 of them dynasts: Book

The Print

timean hour ago

  • The Print

18 Muslim women made it to Lok Sabha since independence; 13 of them dynasts: Book

From royalty to a tea vendor-turned-politician's wife and from a first lady to a Bengali actress, the 18 Muslim women who treaded the hallowed corridors of power in the Lok Sabha are an eclectic mix, with each of them having an interesting backstory, but one common thread — their path to power was always strewn with struggle and hurdles. And while dynastic politics may not be conducive for democracy to deepen its roots, it has played a positive part in giving chances to Muslim women, with 13 out of the 18 being from political families. New Delhi, Jul 20 (PTI) That women were always under-represented in the Lok Sabha is a known fact, but Muslim women members have been a greater rarity with only 18 making it to the Lower House since independence, according to a new book. The story of these 18 Muslim women has been chronicled in an upcoming book– 'Missing from the House — Muslim women in the Lok Sabha' by Rasheed Kidwai and Ambar Kumar Ghosh. Kidwai says he wanted to document the profile of 20 Muslim women who made it to the Lower House, but two of them — Subhasini Ali and Afrin Ali — had openly proclaimed that they did not follow Islam. 'Only eighteen Muslim women have made it to the Lok Sabha since the first parliamentary polls in 1951-52. It is a shockingly abysmal figure, considering Muslim women are about 7.1 per cent of India's 146 crore population. Out of the 18 Lok Sabhas constituted till 2025, five times the Lok Sabha did not have a single Muslim woman member,' Kidwai and Ghosh write in their book, published by Juggernaut and will be released next month. Equally shocking is the fact that the number of Muslim women elected to Parliament in one tenure never crossed the mark of four in the 543-seat lower house of Parliament, the book points out. 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Among the 18 Muslim women, Bengali actress Nusrat Jahan Ruhi also broke a number of glass ceilings as she went on to win the Lok Sabha polls on a TMC ticket in 2019. In the current Lok Sabha, there is just one Muslim woman MP, and that is SP's Iqra Hasan Choudhury. From earning the distinction of being one of the youngest MPs after defeating a veteran leader from the BJP to becoming the centre of social media discussion as a young, London-educated Muslim woman leader, Iqra Hasan has appeared to have carved out a space for herself in the public imagination. In his foreword to the book, Congress MP Shashi Tharoor writes, 'Nearly seventy-eight years have passed since that portentous stroke of midnight on 15 August 1947, when Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru proclaimed a 'tryst with destiny' and India awakened to 'life and freedom.' …Yet even after almost eight decades, a shameful reality, which should deflate our self-congratulatory fervour over our democratic track record, still haunts us.' 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As Martyrs' Day triggers a political row in Kashmir, why it remains a flashpoint nearly a century later
As Martyrs' Day triggers a political row in Kashmir, why it remains a flashpoint nearly a century later

Indian Express

timean hour ago

  • Indian Express

As Martyrs' Day triggers a political row in Kashmir, why it remains a flashpoint nearly a century later

On July 13, the Jammu and Kashmir Police – which falls under Lieutenant-Governor Manoj Sinha – placed political leaders, including Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, under house arrest to prevent them from observing 'Martyrs' Day', by paying tributes to the the 22 people killed by the then Dogra regime's forces in 1931. Before J&K's special status was revoked in 2019, July 13 was officially commemorated as Martyrs' Day with a state-wide public holiday. However, J&K's two regions – the Muslim-dominated Kashmir and the Hindu heartland in Jammu – have always viewed the day differently. So what happened on that day, nearly a century ago? Before 22 people were shot and killed outside the Srinagar Central Jail on July 13, 1931, anger had been building up in Kashmir against Dogra ruler Maharaja Hari Singh's forces. On April 21, a police officer was accused of preventing a cleric from delivering the Khutbah – a customary sermon – after Eid prayers in Jammu. In another incident that day, the police and some upper-caste Hindus were reported to have prevented Muslims from using a ground and a water tank, which were in the 'joint possession' of the two communities, for Eid prayers. A few days later, a head constable allegedly desecrated a colleague's Quran. With tempers running high in Kashmir, Hari Singh's political affairs minister, G E C Wakefield, advised him to invite a delegation of Muslims to submit their grievances. Leaders in Kashmir organised a meeting at a shrine in Srinagar to choose their representatives. There, Abdul Qadeer Khan, who worked as a cook for a British military officer, delivered a fiery speech. In his book Kashmir: Exposing the Myth behind the Narrative, historian Khalid Bashir Ahmad writes, 'A protest meeting was held at Khanqah-i-Mualla on June 21, 1931, where tens of thousands of Muslims assembled. The meeting resulted in the formation of a collective leadership… As the meeting was about to close, Abdul Qadeer Khan appeared on the stage and made a speech.' In his autobiography Aatish-e-Chinar (Flames of Chinar), National Conference (NC) founder Sheikh Abdullah said Khan delivered his speech later, at another location. 'After the meeting, the organisers and elected representatives proceeded for tea to Hamdania Middle School. There, one Abdul Qadeer made sparks fly,' Abdullah writes. According to Ahmad's book, Khan said, 'Muslim brethren! The time has now come when we should meet force by greater force to put an end to tyrannies and brutalities to which you are subjected.' Pointing towards the Maharaja's palace, Khan said, 'Raze it to the ground.' Khan was arrested and charged with sedition. On the day his trial got underway at a sessions court, thousands gathered in solidarity. Sensing trouble, the Dogra regime decided to shift the trial to the Srinagar Central Jail, where Khan was lodged. On July 13, 1931, as the trial was about to start, thousands gathered outside the jail, with some forcing their way inside. Prem Nath Bazaz, in his book Inside Kashmir, says there was a confidential order to keep the trial closed to the public. 'But the matter did not remain a secret and within a few minutes it was well known that the trial would be held at the jail. Large crowds gathered before noon on July 13, and when the time of trial came, the crowd had swelled to about 7,000,' Bazaz writes. 'No one realised the significance of Abdul Qadeer's outspokenness. The incident that was to occur on July 13, 1931, had the same impact on our movement that the 1919 Jallianwala Bagh massacre had on the Indian independence movement,' Abdullah writes. 'We pleaded with the people to keep away from the Central Jail… Despite our pleas, hordes of people tried to force their way into the jail.' There are different narratives about what happened before the police opened fire, killing 22 people. Bazaz says 'the mob became uncontrollable and some forced their way into the outer compound (of the jail)', with the District Magistrate ordering the arrest of the mob's 'ring leaders'. But no one tried to pacify or warn the protesters. Prof Ghulam Hassan Khan, in his book Freedom Movement In Kashmir 1931-1940, says around 200 people were peacefully sitting inside the jail premises. 'By 12.30 pm, the muezzin gave a call to prayer… A little later, the District Magistrate, City Munsiff, Superintendent of Police, and Assistant Superintendent of Police arrived. No sooner did they come out of their vehicles than the people began shouting slogans,' Khan writes. 'Of all the officials present… not even one went forward to the crowd to reason with it and pacify it. The official Enquiry Commission, which investigated the affair, deplored this attitude and recorded its opinion that the crowd ought at least to have been told by the District Magistrate that it was a criminal gathering and ran the great risk of a clash with authorities,' Bazaz writes. 'The arrests highly excited the crowd, who demanded the release of their leaders… (The crowd) became infuriated and threw stones. Telephone lines were shaken and subsequently cut. Attempts were made to set fire to the Police Lines… At this stage, the firing was ordered. According to the official report, 10 men were killed and several wounded. It was found on July 26 that 21 persons died as a result of the jail incident,' Bazaz writes. Khan writes: 'Finding that the people were resolute and determined, authorities suddenly stopped firing and the police disappeared. People rushed into the jail compound. They took out bedsteads from the quarters of the jail guards, placed on them the dead and injured, and carried them to the Jamia Masjid.' In his autobiography, Abdullah writes, 'I was sitting quietly when a terrified young man burst into my house and told me of the firing. He said the dead were being brought in a procession towards the city. I was mortified at what this may trigger… Rioting and plundering had started at Zainakadal and Bahorikadal… I learnt that some Muslims, who were taking a dead body to his home, had asked Hindu shopkeepers to pull down their shutters as a mark of respect. They refused. This provided the pretext for anti-social elements to go on a rampage. After the situation had limped back to normal, the police managed to recover property stolen from Hindu shops.' Bazaz, however, has another version. 'The jail firing created great resentment in the mob against Hindus. So when the procession reached Maharaj Gunj, a busy trade centre of the city, Hindu shops that had been closed after the jail incident were broken open and looted,' Bazaz writes. 'Serious rioting followed… Hundreds of Hindu houses and shops were denuded of their contents… Three Hindus were murdered and 163 wounded.' In his book, Ahmad argues that the findings of the Enquiry Commission, set up by the Maharaja, were biased. 'It (the Commission) appeared to be at pains to absolve the men and officers of the government responsible for the killing of unarmed people and throw mud of culpability on the victims. The bias against Muslims freely flowed through the report,' Ahmad writes. 'When Mrs Thakur Das, a Hindu lady, testified through a written statement that 'the sepoys fired without a cause' … her statement was dismissed as a possible outcome of a 'grudge against the government'.'

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