logo
India-UK FTA allows India to temporarily hike tariff if UK imports surge

India-UK FTA allows India to temporarily hike tariff if UK imports surge

The recently signed Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between India and the United Kingdom has safeguard measures, which allow India to temporarily increase tariffs or suspend existing tariff concessions on certain goods if a significant surge in imports from the UK threatens or causes serious injury to local industries, according to the ministry of Commerce.
This mechanism is a key component of India's cautious approach to trade liberalisation, ensuring that the opening of markets does not unduly harm domestic producers. It provides a safety net against unforeseen import surges that could destabilize sensitive sectors, says an official.
The trigger for invoking these safeguards is clearly defined in the trade agreement - a rise in the absolute quantities of an originating good from the UK, or an increase relative to domestic production, directly resulting from the FTA's tariff concessions, and subsequently causing or threatening serious injury to a domestic industry.
Under these measures, India has the authority to either suspend further duty reductions or even increase duties.
However, there are limitations to taking such actions. The increased duty cannot exceed the lesser of the current Most Favoured Nation (MFN) applied rate or the pre-agreement MFN applied rate. This ensures that while protection is provided, it remains within reasonable bounds.
The duration of such safeguard measures is initially set at up to two years. This period can be extended for an additional two years, bringing the total maximum duration to four years, provided a thorough investigation determines that the safeguard remains necessary to prevent or remedy serious injury and to facilitate the domestic industry's adjustment.
Notably, the right to apply these bilateral safeguard measures extends for a significant "transition period" of 14 years after tariff elimination on the respective goods. This long applicability period offers sustained protection as industries adapt to the new competitive landscape.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

India's Seafood Exports To UK Set For 70% Growth Under New Trade Deal
India's Seafood Exports To UK Set For 70% Growth Under New Trade Deal

News18

time2 hours ago

  • News18

India's Seafood Exports To UK Set For 70% Growth Under New Trade Deal

Last Updated: India's seafood industry expects 70% export growth to the UK under CETA, driven by tariff eliminations. The FTA, signed during PM Modi's UK visit, boosts exports. India's seafood industry is poised for 70 per cent export growth to UK under the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), driven by the elimination of tariffs on a wide range of marine products, according to DD News report. India and the United Kingdom signed a landmark Free Trade Agreement (FTA) on July 24 —a deal anticipated to open up billions of dollars in trade and investment opportunities for both countries. The signing came as Prime Minister Narendra Modi made a visit to the UK—his fourth since assuming office in 2014. During the trip, he is scheduled to hold comprehensive talks with British Prime Minister Keir Starmer before departing for the Maldives on July 25. The FTA with UK is expected to boost the export of labour-intensive items such as gems, jewellery, textiles, marine products, leather, footwear, sports goods and toys. According to a statement by the commerce ministry, other key exports like engineering goods, auto parts and engines and organic chemicals are also expected to get a boost. Grants Zero-Duty Access On 99% Tariff Lines India's Seafood Export In FY25, India's seafood exports stood at $7.38 billion (Rs 60,523 crore), with frozen shrimp alone contributing $4.88 billion (66%), as per DD News report. The UK accounted for $104 million, including $80 million worth of frozen shrimp, yet India holds just a 2.25% share in the UK's $5.4 billion seafood import market. With the new duty-free access, Indian exporters are now better placed to compete with nations like Vietnam and Singapore, which already enjoy free trade benefits with the UK. India's fisheries sector supports 28 million livelihoods and contributes 8% of global fish production. From 2014–15 to 2024–25, seafood exports grew 60% in volume to 16.85 lakh metric tonnes and 88% in value to Rs 62,408 crore. Coastal states like Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, and Gujarat are expected to lead the charge in leveraging CETA, provided they meet the UK's stringent sanitary and phytosanitary standards. view comments Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.

India's FTA focus: Trade in the time of disorder
India's FTA focus: Trade in the time of disorder

Indian Express

time6 hours ago

  • Indian Express

India's FTA focus: Trade in the time of disorder

The formal signing of the India-UK Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) headlined Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to the UK. Since leaving the EU, 'Global' Britain has been on a spree to conclude or join FTAs. After a period of FTA pause, India, too, is on an accelerated pursuit of trade agreements. Though neither is the other's major trading partner, the salience of CETA lies in the symbolism and substance, the future potential, the many tangible and intangible dimensions of this partnership, and the infusion of strength into a relationship that faces challenges not from customary colonial memories, but from contemporary challenges to India's security and integrity. CETA's significance also derives from its ambition. FTAs either cover areas that fall within the mandate of the WTO or go deeper in covering commitments and harmonisation on a range of national economic policy issues to facilitate stronger economic partnership among signatories. CETA embodies the latter. The two governments have hailed CETA as a landmark agreement because of the balance of openings and protections, coverage and scope and also because, from India's standpoint, it is the first comprehensive one with a major Western partner that defines the template for others, including with the EU. CETA is historic for another reason. It is an important milestone in India's — as in the world's — growing reliance on bilateralism and regionalism at a time when the multilateral trade regime is eroding as its architect, which is still the world's most powerful economy, turns its back on it. President Donald Trump has abandoned the foundational principle of the global trade regime. As in other domains, the US no longer finds the system it created useful or attractive. Trump has accelerated a longer-term trend in the US since the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) of 2008 towards trade hesitancy, if not hostility, and protectionism, through the successive tenures of presidents Barack Obama, Trump and Joe Biden. There is a bipartisan consensus that the US will not surrender its sovereignty to the binding rule-making role of the WTO. The current sentiments will continue to shape the US political economy. For the US and the West broadly, the problem has deeper structural roots in the consequences of the recent wave of globalisation that began in the 1970s and peaked by the time of the GFC. The first wave of globalisation from 1870 to 1914 led to the concentration of prosperity and power in the industrialising West and America's rise as a major power. By contrast, the recent phase triggered Asia's rise, China's emergence as a major power and the West's relative decline with disruptive political consequences in the advanced countries. In particular, it has resulted in China's extraordinary accumulation of industrial and technological power and dominance in key industries and supply chains in a fundamentally different political and economic system, incongruous with a transparent trade regime. The concentration risk was laid bare by the Covid pandemic. Further, the sharpening geopolitical competition has manifested in trade and technology. The war in Ukraine deepened shifts and uncertainty. Together, these factors have put globalism and its scaffolding under extreme stress. Calls for reshoring and industrial sovereignty face limitations of lost capabilities, and deeply entrenched Global Value Chains (GVCs) that various estimates put at 50-70 per cent of global trade. Trade remains essential for all nations. But as nations seek to derisk, diversify and rebalance trade relations in a world in flux, they seek long-term commitment, trust, assurance and resilience through bilateral and regional agreements. The number of such agreements, although within the WTO framework, has risen rapidly in the past two decades, with an increase in momentum after the GFC and the Covid pandemic. Trump's strategy will accelerate the trend. For one, despite his impetuosity, the legislative uncertainty of his authority and questionable enforceability of the 'deals', countries are seeking exclusive and competitive bilateral agreements with the US. At the same time, hedging strategies, against both US unpredictability and China's dominance, will trigger new bilateral or regional agreements, as well as expansion, restructuring and interlocking of existing regional agreements: The Trans Pacific Partnership was resuscitated as the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) after the US's exit. India's preferred path is more manageable bilateral agreements with countries or groupings rather than participation in regional agreements. India signed a spate of agreements during the UPA era, mostly in Asia. However, not all of them were with competitors like ASEAN, but also with complementary economies like Japan and Korea. That these agreements had disappointing outcomes was as much due to their terms as to our lack of competitiveness. Their lessons are shaping the choice of partners and the terms of the agreements, and alignment with domestic policies and incentives. Nonetheless, global trends point to an enhanced need for comprehensive FTAs. With the atrophying of the predictable, non-discriminatory global trade regime, FTAs will become determinants of competitiveness. These have become essential for creating opportunities for our services sector and mobility of our professionals, and for access to critical minerals, technology, innovation and energy. Above all, there is a strong correlation between high-quality FTAs and the GVCs. Assured integration into GVCs will serve our twin objectives of rapid industrialisation and export growth at scale. It is even more critical now as various studies estimate the share of potential bottleneck products in global trade to have doubled since 2000 to around 20 per cent, with almost 66 per cent of the share of the global export value in these products now coming from East Asia-Pacific. This also means that, besides the new FTA with Australia, we must revisit the CEPA/CECA with Japan, Korea and Singapore, not just to improve their terms but also for assured access to critical inputs to fully exploit the potential of FTAs with Western partners. This will also require finding a modus vivendi with China. As India pursues its national transformation at a time of global disorder, shaping our external economic engagement strategically is both a geopolitical necessity and an economic imperative. The writer is a retired ambassador

‘Most substantial trade pact since EU exit, sends positive message to world': British Deputy High Commissioner
‘Most substantial trade pact since EU exit, sends positive message to world': British Deputy High Commissioner

Indian Express

time9 hours ago

  • Indian Express

‘Most substantial trade pact since EU exit, sends positive message to world': British Deputy High Commissioner

The Vision 2035 document brought out by the UK and India during Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit last week places significant emphasis on the security and defence relationship between the two countries, says British Deputy High Commissioner Christina Scott. In an exclusive interview with Divya A, Scott, currently officiating as the High Commissioner in New Delhi, also speaks about various aspects of the the free trade agreement (FTA), talks between the two PMs on Khalistani extremism and extradition of economic offenders, and PM Keir Starmer's potential visit to India. Edited excerpts: During his recent visit, PM Modi invited PM Starmer to visit India. Is this likely to happen this year? We have got two governments that had general elections at roughly the same time over the last year, there's been a lot of conversations. Vision 2035 sets out the joint ambition for the next decade for the two governments. I am expecting quite a heavy drumbeat of contact and visits over the autumn. Personally, I hope that involves my Prime Minister, but we will see. We hope to make that happen as soon as possible. Our PM will be very keen to come at the earliest opportunity. How is the FTA being viewed in the UK as the world deals with the US trade tariff negotiations? Our FTA has gone down enormously well in the UK. For us, it is the most substantial economic trade agreement we have made since leaving the European Union. It's also the broadest trade deal that India has ever done, and sends a very positive message to the world. It's been three or four years now in negotiating this document and for the two big democracies like this to come together. The FTA is good for itself, regardless of what other countries are choosing to do. What would be the biggest takeaway for the UK from this FTA? It is anticipated that it will add — over the medium term — £25 billion a year to the trade between the two countries. It will also add to the UK GDP. It offers opportunities for British businesses to invest in India. And it's a great story also for our British consumers who can benefit from cheaper and quality goods from India as well. Both governments, when they were negotiating, had their domestic issues very much at heart and we have come to this point because we have such complementary economies. This time, there was a lot of talk about Khalistani extremism… PM Modi spoke about this at the joint press statement. What was the kind of conversation the two sides had? And what was the kind of assurance the UK would have given? The UK takes violent extremism of any form incredibly seriously. We are working closely with the government of India and we know the importance and we have a duty in the UK to disrupt violent extremists. It's part of the conversation we have with India and we will continue to work with India on the exchange of information where we think such influences exist. But there's a layer of freedom of expression that comes in, which India is not very comfortable, especially with referendums and everything. The UK has a proud history of peaceful protest and the right to peaceful protest within the law. And it's an important part of our democracy that people have the right to give their views. But it can't be in a way that incites violence. When it trips over the line, our police are very good at taking action in accordance with the law to uphold the security of our nation. Vision 2035 clearly spells out that terrorism in all its forms and manifestations has to be condemned. In that context, was there any discussion about the Pahalgam attack and Operation Sindoor? The (Indian) Prime Minister referenced in the joint press conference that they talked about this. And obviously, our PM will have expressed deep condolences for the terrible attack in Pahalgam. For the UK, the peace and stability of this region matters a lot, because we have such great links. What you can see from Vision 2035 is the importance and emphasis we put on our security and defence relationship with India. And in that document, a number of areas where the PMs are committed to working together for the stability of the region. And that's the really important thing going forward. Vision 2035 also talks about cooperation in justice, law enforcement. So we have these cases of fugitive economic offenders, their extradition cases are pending. Were they discussed specifically in this visit? Home Affairs collaboration is one of the really important things that is a priority for both governments. And it's regularly discussed in Home Affairs dialogues and meetings between our security colleagues. On the specific point of extradition, both governments are committed to supporting extradition within the laws of their countries. And the UK will continue to try and facilitate that in accordance with the dual legal process. Going forward, for the next 10 years, since we talk about Vision 2035, what are going to be the strongest pillars of bilateral ties? The growth has got to be the core part of the story. Defence and security is one (area) where we have not realised the potential yet. And the signing of an agreement last week of a defence industrial roadmap is a massive step forward. We now need to make a reality and get our defence industries working much more closely. Was there any specific conversation about the UK supporting India's bid for a permanent UNSC seat? The UK has already said publicly that it supports permanent membership of India on the Security Council. And that may well have come up in conversations. But we are really keen to see India play a role internationally — be it the UN Security Council or the Commonwealth — commensurate with its size and importance in the world. It's got such a powerful and positive role to play. And that's what we want to help it do. Divya A reports on travel, tourism, culture and social issues - not necessarily in that order - for The Indian Express. She's been a journalist for over a decade now, working with Khaleej Times and The Times of India, before settling down at Express. Besides writing/ editing news reports, she indulges her pen to write short stories. As Sanskriti Prabha Dutt Fellow for Excellence in Journalism, she is researching on the lives of the children of sex workers in India. ... Read More

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store