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Tariff uncertainty continues: US team to visit India in mid-Aug, well after Aug 1 ‘hard deadline'

Tariff uncertainty continues: US team to visit India in mid-Aug, well after Aug 1 ‘hard deadline'

Indian Express5 days ago
After Indian negotiators wrapped up another round of negotiations in Washington last week, a US team led by US Trade Representative for South and Central Asia Brendan Lynch is expected to visit India in mid-August to continue negotiations for a trade agreement, The Indian Express has learned.
While India and the US have agreed on a wide range of tariff lines, the negotiations — which currently only involve market access for goods — are stuck over sensitive sectors such as agriculture and automobiles, which are key job creators in India.
The new round of talks beyond the August 1 deadline comes amid growing suspense over whether India will face 26 per cent reciprocal tariffs starting August 1, as US Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick on Sunday said that August 1 is a 'hard deadline' for countries to begin paying tariffs.
'That's a hard deadline, so on August 1, the new tariff rates will come in… Nothing stops countries from talking to us after August 1, but they're going to start paying the tariffs on August 1,' Lutnick said in a television interview on Sunday.
Notably, President Donald Trump's deadline for implementation of reciprocal tariffs has shifted from April 1 to July 9, and now to August 1. While Trump has reiterated that a deal with India is close, India could face tariffs of up to 26 per cent if both countries fail to reach an agreement.
Government officials have maintained that India is aiming to sign a bilateral trade agreement (BTA) by the end of the year, which would provide market access in labour-intensive sectors and ensure a significant tariff differential compared to its Asian peers.
Lutnick also said that smaller countries — including those in Latin America, the Caribbean, and many in Africa — would face a baseline tariff of 10 per cent. 'The bigger economies will either open themselves up or they'll pay a fair tariff to America,' he said.
Trade experts have pointed out that, despite being presented as trade 'agreements', Trump's deals do not meet WTO standards for Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). Under WTO rules, FTAs require mutual tariff reductions on a substantial share of trade.
'Under the Trump model, only the partner country lowers its Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) tariffs, while the US makes no reciprocal cuts. Trump lacks Fast Track Trade Authority from Congress to reduce MFN tariffs. Instead, he's offering to roll back only the 'Liberation Day' tariffs imposed in April under emergency powers — tariffs that a US federal court has already ruled unlawful. The case is under appeal, but the legal basis remains fragile,' the think tank Global Trade Research Initiative (GTRI) said.
For India, those April tariffs added a 26 per cent surcharge on top of normal US tariffs. Even if a deal is struck, Indian exports may still face a minimum 10 per cent additional levy, making it a pressured compromise, not a true partnership, GTRI said in a report.
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Sultana Siddiqui: The Pakistani TV veteran making shows with cross-border appeal
Sultana Siddiqui: The Pakistani TV veteran making shows with cross-border appeal

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Sultana Siddiqui: The Pakistani TV veteran making shows with cross-border appeal

For years, political hostilities between India and Pakistan have disrupted entertainment exchange, but rarely have restrictions been as sweeping as those triggered by the Pahalgam fallout. The latest wave of bans targeted Pakistani shows on YouTube, blocked streaming access to cross-border dramas on Netflix and Amazon Prime, and even temporarily disabled Instagram accounts of Pakistani actors and peace activists. The clampdown came at a time when Pakistani dramas have been enjoying immense popularity across the border, on digital and social media. They have not just built massive fan bases there, but are also engaging with radical themes that, as Indian journalist Raksha Kumar points out, are missing from Indian television dramas, due to 'superfluous' research, lack of courage or financial constraints. One standout example is a three-part mini series that aired last August on the privately owned Hum TV, produced by veteran television pioneer Sultana Siddiqui. 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Since she launched Hum TV in 2005, Sultana Siddiqui, now in her late 70s, has used the television channel as a platform for storytelling from a progressive bent of mind, offering a nuanced portrayal of Pakistani society through deeply grounded characters. This isn't the first time her storytelling has crossed borders. Zindagi Gulzar Hai (Life is Beautiful) in 2012 was a hit in India. The series shows a picture of Pakistan different from the narrative seen in the Indian context. Its popularity, fueled by social media, created a demand for Pakistani content in the Indian market. Its lead actor Fawad Khan, went on to become a Bollywood heartthrob, but was then banned in India along with other Pakistani artists following the 2016 Uri attack. The Pakistani film Maula Jatt that he stars in was due to be released in India, but that has been stalled too. The release of a Bollywood romance he stars in, Abir Gulaal, is now also in limbo due to renewed hostilities. 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Alongside Tan Man Neelo Neel, which runs for 11 episodes, the trilogy features Mann Jogi with nine episodes and Nadaan with eight. The latter tackles the controversial practice of ' Halala Nikah ' and exposes how religious doctrine is exploited for personal political gain. The second installment, Nadaan, directed by filmmaker Mehreen Jabbar (Ramchand Pakistani, 2008), examines the scourge of drug addiction. The story shows how drug addicts pose threats to people around them; they resist the opening of rehabilitation centres that might weaken their grip, hiding behind performative piety to deflect scrutiny, and ultimately incite mob violence to protect their influence and preserve the toxic ecosystems they benefit from. Cross-border drama Sultana Siddiqui has always strongly favoured the inclusion of cross-border talent in Pakistani and Indian cultural productions. She has participated in various bilateral conferences and meetings, including those organised by Aman Ki Asha (Hope for Peace), a joint platform initiated in 2010 by the two biggest media groups of India and Pakistan. At the 2018 inaugural Pakistan International Film Festival, which Sultana Siddiqui hosted in Karachi, she invited prominent Indian industry figures as guests, including the team behind the blockbuster film Baahubali. But when she informally asked one of them, a veteran writer, to create content for Pakistani audiences, he politely declined, citing 'grave risks'. Sultana Siddiqui advocates for a more equitable exchange of cultural assets between India and Pakistan. She doesn't mind Indian productions hiring Pakistani writers but 'it should be a two-way street. For every writer they take, we should get one in return – maybe even agree on a percentage.' There are other kinds of risks involved in collaboration that may derail such efforts. There have been cases of storylines from Pakistan being picked up by Indian productions but then, 'things were added according to their own wishes.' State policy has also played its part. In 2016, Pakistan banned Indian dramas on its television channels, after India's unofficial curbs on Pakistani artists. The blackout, she notes, did give a short-term boom to homegrown content, but the real game-changer has been the rise of digital streaming platforms. Not all of Hum TV's projects have been free from critique. The 2019 television series Ehd-e-Wafa, a collaboration with the military's media wing, the Inter-Services Public Relations, drew criticism for glorifying the army and depicting other professions and state institutions unfairly. Earlier ISPR-sponsored shows like Alpha Bravo Charlie (1998) and Sunehre Din (1991) focused on military life without overt political messaging. Asked whether private channels should be subject to such influence, Sultana Siddiqui stresses that collaboration should involve professionals who understand the craft. The conversation with Sultana Siddiqui took place in Urdu and the quotes provided are approximate English translations.

India's bulldozer demolitions are being fuelled by political silence
India's bulldozer demolitions are being fuelled by political silence

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India's bulldozer demolitions are being fuelled by political silence

In June, the Assam government demolished just over 600 Muslim homes in Goalpara district in what it described as a crackdown on ' illegal encroachments '. In Jahangirpuri in Delhi, homes and shops were razed despite a Supreme Court stay in April. The next month, the Ahmedabad municipality demolished 8,500 houses in Danilimda in a drive aimed at 'illegal Bangladeshis'. The same month, in Saharanpur in Uttar Pradesh, a mosque under construction was demolished without warning. Bulldozers have emerged as the state's favourite weapon in Narendra Modi's India, flattening Muslim neighbourhoods with clinical choreography. Each such demolition redraws the geography of citizenship and belonging. Like Israel's bulldozers in Gaza and the West Bank, India's bulldozers flatten buildings while erasing memory, rewriting history and reinforcing majoritarian rule. 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PM Modi, Maldivian President release commemorative stamps to mark 60th anniversary of diplomatic ties
PM Modi, Maldivian President release commemorative stamps to mark 60th anniversary of diplomatic ties

United News of India

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PM Modi, Maldivian President release commemorative stamps to mark 60th anniversary of diplomatic ties

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