
Michael Moynihan: 10 lessons from Dublin's city taskforce Cork can't afford to ignore
I posed a question here in the Leaving Cert for Cork Studies which mentioned a pretty obscure pub at the bottom of Shandon Street which enjoyed a heyday about 40 years past.
Last week Catherine Shanahan wrote about redevelopment in the area, and lo: 'Permission was granted to brothers Séamus and Pádraig Kelleher who were also cleared for the redevelopment of a building on lower Shandon Street where they intend to re-open the infamous Left Bank pub.' (Infamous, Catherine? I beg to differ.)
Going back further I pointed out that the Pride colours had faded badly on St Patrick's Street, and was gratified to see that brightened, repainted, tidied afterwards. You take your wins where you can.
I can also go back further, when I mentioned something else of note - the Dublin City Taskforce, which was established by the government in May 2024. As noted then, its job was 'to take a holistic view of the measures required to rejuvenate Dublin City Centre' and it duly 'produced a full report less than six months later with 10 major recommendations to improve the capital.'
Simon Harris: 'I initiated this task force model when I was Taoiseach, and the idea was that it's very easy in large cities for everybody to pass the buck and say 'that's a matter for the city council, that's a matter for the guards, that's a matter for the HSE', [whereas] it's actually a matter for us all to pull together.' File photo: Sasko Lazarov/Rollingnews.ie
This led to the obvious question: what about Cork? Now it appears that that question has been heard in high places.
Eoin English reported last Saturday that Tánaiste Simon Harris insists work is ongoing to establish the city taskforce his party promised within the first 100 days of government. For Cork, that is.
'We have seen the difference it can make in Dublin this week,' said Mr Harris. 'We've now done it in Dublin. It needs to happen in Cork.' That 100 days has passed, of course, but let's not get bogged down.
He went on to say: 'I initiated this task force model when I was Taoiseach, and the idea was that it's very easy in large cities for everybody to pass the buck and say 'that's a matter for the city council, that's a matter for the guards, that's a matter for the HSE', [whereas] it's actually a matter for us all to pull together.'
Cork City Council chief executive Valerie O'Sullivan spoke to the Business Post last month about the City Centre Community Safety Warden scheme. 'This scheme builds on the council's established relationships with businesses, residents, social services and An Garda Síochána and has as an objective ensuring the public realm is welcoming and safe for all citizens.'
Relationships. Passing the buck. You say tomato. Anyway, those 10 recommendations from that Dublin taskforce.
Is there anything in those for us to learn?
1. Revitalise O'Connell Street and environs
A good call until there was some mention recently of using the GPO as a mixed-use building, including retail, which has attracted some fire.
The Cork equivalent? St Patrick's Street certainly needs some help. As pointed out here very recently there are several large buildings in Cork's main drag that could be repurposed for the general betterment of the city.
2. Prioritise the total regeneration of social housing complexes in the city centre
This would certainly help in Cork until you sit down and list off the city centre locations which need some generation, never mind regeneration.
From the old Roche's Stores building to the Queen's Old Castle there are plenty of opportunities in the middle of Cork which await... prioritisation.
3. Convert derelict sites into high-density residential areas with provision for essential workers
Hm. Derelict sites, you say?
I refer readers to Frank O'Connor and Jude Sherry, whose indefatigable tracking and tracing of such sites have been a huge boon in Cork, though it's obviously unfortunate that that work is necessary.
Putting this as delicately as I can, there is no shortage of such sites awaiting transformation for essential workers.
4. Make policing and security more visible
The Dublin report recommends adding 1,000 gardaí to the Dublin city centre area. Which would be great for Dublin city centre but not so great for Leeside, where the lack of officers is an embarrassment.
Last month it was reported that 120 gardaí graduated from the Garda Training College in Templemore - 74 of those went to Dublin, and only three landed on in Cork City.
We did have a Garda van parked around the Grand Parade for a few weeks, though.
5. Deliver more targeted and better located services for vulnerable populations in the city centre
Again, this is a good idea. However, in Cork we await the evaluation of the dedicated injection centre in Dublin before one in Cork can be considered.
Not an encouraging template.
6. Implement a dedicated waste management plan for the city centre
Is that needed in Cork? Streets not maintained, derelict properties, vape shops, temporary metal fencing, unchecked graffiti, unrepaired bridges unoccupied spaces, unbuilt facilities.
Yes, very much so.
7. Operate the City Centre Transport Plan with agility
I'll say nothing for reasons of space and teeth-gritting frustration.
8. Offer Dubliners compelling reasons to visit the city
Like this? Good public transport, well-managed traffic, cheap parking, cycling lanes, safe streets, less antisocial behaviour.
All badly needed in Cork.
9. Create a marketing and communications function for Dublin
Is this needed in Dublin? Really? The absorption of media, marketing, tourism, and communications functions in the capital makes this unnecessary, as does the de facto assumption that every visitor passes through Dublin anyway.
These functions should be delivered for Cork and other cities.
10. Evolve appropriate governance for a capital city
This is even more unnecessary than no. 9. As pointed out here in the past, all the apparatus of the State is available to those living in the capital.
Every government department and State body is present in Dublin and the expertise of those organisations is available on an official and unofficial basis.
Not so in Cork. Appropriate governance needed.
A last point on these taskforces. They don't always work out.
Before a few heads get pulled in for coffee and biscuits in some nice office overlooking the South Channel of the Lee, I should point to the time former Dublin football boss Jim Gavin was appointed chair of the North East Inner City (NEIC) Implementation Board.
That was 2023, when Gavin took over from Michael Stone; he stood down when Paschal Donohoe, then minister for public expenditure, failed to declare expenses related to postering work financed by Mr Stone during the 2020 general election.
Might be worth bearing this in mind, even though I don't have room here to get into the appointment process itself. Will it resemble the one used for our mysterious event centre project development board (remember them)?
Will the proposed Cork City Taskforce board resemble the one used for our mysterious event centre project development? File picture: Larry Cummins
In reality the column above should save a good few bob on travelling expenses, refreshments, office hire and the like. Any Cork taskforce is likely to come to many of the same conclusions.
All of which leaves me with the happy question posed by anyone proffering advice to government.
Where do I send the bill?
Read More
Cork City's derelict buildings reveal true cost of housing inequality
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Irish Sun
13 hours ago
- The Irish Sun
Pro-Palestine protesters halt London Pride parade by hurling paint & blocking roads after terror ban
PRO-Palestine protesters have brought the London Pride parade to a standstill by hurling paint and blocking roads. Youth Demand disrupted the event at around 2pm targeting the float of technology firm CISCO - a sponsor of London Pride. 3 Pro-Palestine protesters from Youth Demand throw red paint and glue themselves to the lead float during the annual Pride parade in London Credit: EPA 3 Metropolitan Police officers speak to 83-year-old Reverend Sue Parfitt during a protest in support of Palestine Action Credit: PA 3 A protest organised by the Defend Our Juries group in front of the Mahatma Gandhii statue in Parliament Square Credit: PA Meanwhile arrests have been made at a protest in London being held in support of Campaign group Defend Our Juries said it planned to gather in Parliament Square holding signs supporting Palestine Action. The Metropolitan Police posted on X on Saturday afternoon saying officers are responding to the protest in Parliament Square and making arrests. Palestine Action lost a late-night Court of Appeal challenge on Friday which sought to stop the protest group being banned, less than two hours before the new legislation came into force at midnight. Read more News The designation as a terror group means that membership of, or support for, Palestine Action is a criminal offence punishable by up to 14 years in prison. The force posted on X saying: "Officers are responding to a protest in support of Palestine Action in Parliament Square. "The group is now proscribed and expressing support for them is a criminal offence. "Arrests are being made. Further updates will be shared here." Most read in The Sun It comes as the Home Office welcomed the ban on Palestine Action after the group failed to block its proscription with a late-night legal bid. The designation as a terror group means that membership of or support for Palestine Action is a criminal offence punishable by up to 14 years in prison. The group lost a late-night Court of Appeal challenge on Friday evening, which sought to stop it being banned, less than two hours before the move came into force at midnight. A Home Office spokesperson said on Saturday: "We welcome the Court's decision and Palestine Action are now a proscribed group. "The Government will always take the strongest possible action to protect our national security and our priority remains maintaining the safety and security of our citizens." The move to ban the organisation was announced after two Voyager aircraft were damaged at RAF Brize Norton in Oxfordshire on June 20, an incident claimed by Palestine Action, which police said caused around £7million of damage. Home Secretary MPs in the Commons voted 385 to 26, majority 359, in favour of proscribing the group on Wednesday, before the House of Lords backed the move without a vote on Thursday. Four people - Amy Gardiner-Gibson, 29, Jony Cink, 24, Daniel Jeronymides-Norie, 36, and Lewis Chiaramello, 22 - have all been charged in connection with the incident at Brize Norton. They appeared at Westminster Magistrates' Court on Thursday after being charged with conspiracy to enter a prohibited place knowingly for a purpose prejudicial to the safety or interests of the United Kingdom, and conspiracy to commit criminal damage, under the Criminal Law Act 1977.


Irish Times
a day ago
- Irish Times
Expense claims by Mairead McGuinness ‘legal and ethical', Simon Harris says
Tánaiste Simon Harris has described as 'legal and ethical' the €800,000 in expenses claimed by Fine Gael's Mairead McGuinness for a space she owns, adjacent to her home near Navan, Co Meath, which served as her constituency office during her 16 years as an MEP. The Fine Gael leader said he did not think the issue would have any impact on the prospect of Ms McGuinness securing support in the party to run for the presidency, with nominations due to open on Monday. 'Mairead McGuinness is a person of the highest standing,' he said. 'There are rules in place for all these things and Mairead is in compliance with all of them.' Tánaiste Simon Harris said Mairead McGuinness 'is a person of the highest standing'. Photograph: Chris Maddaloni Mr Harris expressed confidence that Ms McGuinness would be 'transparent' about her claims, reported by The Irish Times on Friday, which he described as part of a 'general allowance' available to all MEPs to fund their constituency offices. READ MORE 'And many, many, many people represented by Mairead McGuinness will know [hers] was an efficient and effective operation,' he said. 'It is a standard issue and because she served over a long time it is a large sum of money, but that is more a reflection of the longevity of her service.' Mr Harris was in Berlin on Friday to meet his German foreign minister counterpart Johann Wadephul to discuss a looming US trade tariff deadline and the prospect of a ceasefire in Israel's military operation in Gaza. German foreign minister Johann Wadephul. Photograph: Odd Andersen/AFP via Getty Images Mr Harris acknowledged that the aftermath of the October 7th, 2023 Hamas-led attack on Israel had seen Ireland and Germany taking 'different starting perspectives'. 'But everyone is unified in stopping the killing, releasing the hostages and getting the humanitarian aid in,' he said, expressing hope that a ceasefire was near. 'If we can get a ceasefire, it opens up the potential to have so many more conversations about what the future of Gaza looks like, and how you have a Gaza and a Palestinian state that doesn't have Hamas as a part of it.' Asked about Irish people in Berlin who complain of a police crackdown on shows of support for Gaza, Mr Harris said he was 'not aware of any direct contact with the embassy by people saying they have been harassed'. [ Irish in Germany caught between starkly different perspectives on Gaza war Opens in new window ] 'Irish people, wherever they are in the world, feel very strongly about Gaza, it's in our gut and we are repulsed,' he said. 'All countries have their laws and we have to abide by them, but I do passionately believe in freedom of speech and the right to protest – and that they are upheld.' The Tánaiste said the Department of Foreign Affairs had no plans to change its travel advice for Germany which, at present, recommends that Irish visitors 'avoid demonstrations by any organisation or political party which appears to be inciting racism or hatred'.


Irish Times
2 days ago
- Irish Times
Irish in Germany are caught between starkly different perspectives on the war in Gaza
There was plenty for Tánaiste Simon Harris to discuss on Friday in Berlin with his new German foreign minister colleague, Johann Wadephul. After a chilly meeting of Irish and German foreign ministers last year, no joint press conference was planned this time around. Berlin and Dublin, traditionally close partners on EU and foreign policy, have found themselves far apart following the Hamas-led attacks on Israel on October 7th 2023, which claimed at least 1,200 lives. In his January 2024 visit, then-tánaiste Micheál Martin suggested Berlin's view of the Gaza conflict was constrained 'by the historical prism of the Holocaust', though 'evolving'. Germany's position has evolved quite a bit further since then, with growing public outrage here over Israel's Gaza blockade, settler violence in the West Bank and a Palestinian death toll nearing 60,000. A more critical tone towards Israel from the new German government, however, has yet to be matched in any significant policy shift. The current Israel-Hamas conflict, for many Irish people living in Germany, resembles what John le Carré once called a 'looking glass war'. In their daily lives here and during visits back to Ireland, the German-Irish negotiate two separate minefields with one common denominator: dissent from the majority opinion – or attempts at differentiation in the public debate – are often denounced. READ MORE The most visible sign of tension surrounds two Irish citizens who face expulsion from Germany in connection with their alleged role in pro-Palestinian demonstrations, including a violent confrontation at a Berlin university. Their precise role in what happened there has yet to be established and, in an emergency injunction, a Berlin court has halted expulsion proceedings until after trial, likely in the autumn. That didn't stop Berlin's governing mayor Kai Wegner prejudging them, in a national newspaper, as 'anti-Semitic criminals'. Many Irish people here who join Gaza solidarity marches, as they would if they were in Ireland, report harassment in their workplace and police violence. Some face charges they view as spurious and – after 18 months and counting – the charges have neither come to trial nor been dropped. That keeps them flagged in police databases, making every re-entry to Germany a stressful business of arbitrary delays and border police questions. For them, this is official Germany's intentional chilling effect for holding the 'wrong' views on Gaza. (A similar chilling effect, critics of Israel's Gaza war say, follows German efforts since November 2023 to outlaw every public utterance of 'from the river to the sea' as an illegal slogan supporting the proscribed Hamas group. In May a Berlin court dismissed one such prosecution as a politicised endeavour lacking evidence and any legal standing.) The colonial framing of the Gaza conflict, as popularised by Kneecap, gets an airing in Germany, particularly in universities, but others reject it as ill fit for the complexities of the conflict All of this is attracting outside attention. Last month the Council of Europe, the continent's leading human rights body, sent a two-page letter of concern to the Berlin federal government. Police violence, limits to freedom of assembly and 'the blanket classification of criticism of Israel as anti-Semitism', the letter warned, do a disservice to democracy and may even endanger it'. While German officials dismiss such concerns, campaigners are already collating information about the crackdown they see. And writer Maxim Biller has even devised a diagnosis for the motivation: Morbus Israel, Germany's Israel disorder. 'At the core of [this] neo-German Orient neurosis is, very loosely: Germans' disappointed love for their former victims,' he argued in a column for Die Zeit weekly. His polemical text was later removed from the Zeit website following protests over his description of the 'strategically correct but inhumane hunger blockade of Gaza'. [ An Irishman in Berlin: 'For Germans, everything is forbidden unless it allowed' Opens in new window ] As the conflict drags on, though, some Irish in Germany wonder – quietly and cautiously – if Ireland has a disorder of its own. Earlier in the conflict, before everything was eclipsed by the real and justified horror over children being starved – or shot dead by Israel soldiers – one Irish acquaintance asked: where was the Irish protest over Hamas contempt for – and human rights violations of – its own people? Given the unprecedented degradation in Gaza, such questions may seem like cynical what-aboutery. Yet another middle-aged Irish acquaintance, living in Germany as long as the Belfast Agreement, wondered aloud recently how Irish people, who resented the IRA killing people on their behalf, feel about Hamas doing the same for Palestinians? The colonial framing of the Gaza conflict, as popularised by Kneecap, gets an airing in Germany, particularly in universities, but others reject it as ill fit for the complexities of the conflict. After a strange start, Germany's debate has shifted radically in recent months. The popular Bild tabloid still ignores the reality in Gaza and denounces Palestinian solidarity marchers as 'Jew haters', but other outlets offer a broader and more challenging range of views. [ Israeli foreign minister finds shifting moods as he visits Berlin Opens in new window ] On Wednesday, the Süddeutsche Zeitung daily printed a harrowing 5,000-word report on the starve-or-be-shot reality in Gaza. A day later, it ran a full-page essay by French-Israeli sociologist Eva Illouz, asking 'Is anti-Zionism a form of anti-Semitism?' With large Jewish, Israeli and Palestinian communities, Germany's Israel-Gaza-Hamas debate is messy, emotional, confused and conflicted. A diverse range of voices compete to be heard, airing grievances which not all share but are nonetheless real. Two conflicts are playing out, as Berlin arms one side and tries to feed the other. Attempting to meet two non-negotiable postwar obligations – to Israel and human dignity – has created a domestic conflict of conscience with an equally unpredictable outcome. By comparison, many Irish living in Germany perceive Ireland's debate as Irish people telling other Irish people, at no personal cost and from a safe distance, how terrible things are for the Palestinians. A recent public television poll here asked who respondents feel is responsible for the plight of the civilian population in Gaza. Some 69 per cent said the Israeli government was fully or partly to blame while 71 per cent said the same of Hamas. How would a similar poll look in Ireland? Ireland and Germany hold competing views on the conflict, yet both have considerable credibility among Palestinians and Israelis respectively. How can our two countries leverage that good will for a better future in the Middle East? That is a debate worth having.