Gaza edges closer to famine as Israel's total blockade nears its third month
CNN —
Sitting inside her fly-infested tent in Gaza City, Iman Rajab sifts clumps of flour through a sieve, over and over again.
She found the half-bag of flour in a garbage dumpster. It is crawling with pests and shows clear signs of contamination. But it's still Rajab's best hope for keeping her six children fed and alive. So she sifts the flour once more to make bread.
'My kids are vomiting after they eat it. It smells horrible,' Rajab says of the bread it produces. 'But what else can I do? What will I feed my children if not this?'
She is one of hundreds of thousands of parents in Gaza struggling to feed their children as the war-torn Palestinian enclave barrels towards full-blown and entirely man-made famine.
For nearly two months, Israel has carried out a total siege of Gaza, refusing to allow in a single truck of humanitarian aid or commercial goods – the longest period Israel has imposed such a total blockade.
Israel says it cut off the entry of humanitarian aid to pressure Hamas to release hostages. But international organizations say its actions violate international law, with some accusing Israel of using starvation as a weapon of war – a war crime.
The impact is clear: The World Food Programme (WFP) announced this week that its warehouses are now barren; the soup kitchens that are still running are severely rationing their last stocks; and what little food remains in Gaza's markets is now being sold for exorbitant prices that most cannot afford. A simple bag of flour now costs the equivalent of $100, several people told CNN.
Cases of acute child malnutrition are also rapidly rising, one of the telltale signs of impending famine. Nearly 3,700 children were diagnosed last month, an 82% increase from February, according to the United Nations.
Palestinians wait in line with empty pots to get food distributed by charitable organizations as they take refuge in a school belonging to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) in the Rimal neighborhood, in Gaza City, Gaza on Saturday.
Mahmoud Abu Hamda/Anadolu/Getty Images
Five-year-old Usama al-Raqab has already lost 8 lbs in the last month, now weighing just 20 lbs, according to his mother. According to the World Health Organization, the median weight for a healthy 5-year-old boy is about 40 lbs.
He has several pre-existing medical conditions – including a pancreatic disorder and respiratory issues – which require a diet rich in fats and proteins to stay healthy. Those foods have become almost completely unavailable as Israel's siege approaches its third month.
Usama's skin now sticks to his bones, and his mother says he can barely walk.
'I have to carry him everywhere. He can only manage to walk from the tent to the bathroom and nothing more,' she says.
When his mother takes off his clothes to bathe him, he winces in pain. Every movement is painful in his condition.
Food deliveries blocked just outside of Gaza
The aid organizations that were once the answer to a food crisis that has roiled Gaza for much of this nearly 19-month-long war are now also out of answers.
Standing in an empty warehouse, the WFP's emergency coordinator in Gaza Yasmin Maydhane said the organization's supplies have been 'depleted.'
'We are in a position now where over 400,000 people that were receiving assistance from our hot meal kitchens – which is the last lifeline for the population – is in itself grinding to a halt,' she said.
If Israel would only open the gates to Gaza, the WFP says it is ready to surge enough aid into Gaza to feed the entire population for up to two months. UNRWA, the main UN agency supporting Palestinians, said it has nearly 3,000 trucks filled with aid waiting to cross into Gaza. Both need Israel to lift its blockade to get that aid in.
As conditions in Gaza spiral, Israel has offered no indication so far that it is planning any action to avert all-out famine.
Israel's European allies – including France, Germany and the United Kingdom –have issued increasingly urgent calls for it to allow the entry of humanitarian aid – with one notable exception. Unlike last year, when former US President Joe Biden's administration pressured Israel repeatedly to facilitate the entry of more aid into Gaza, President Donald Trump's administration is backing Israel's blockade.
Palestinians wait to receive food cooked by a charity kitchen, in Beit Lahia, northern Gaza Strip, on Thursday.
Mahmoud Issa/Reuters
The White House's National Security Council has issued statements supportive of Israel's control of the flow of humanitarian aid as a bargaining chip to compel Hamas to release more hostages. And last week, the newly appointed US ambassador to Israel rejected appeals from humanitarian officials to pressure Israel to open the crossings.
'What I would like to suggest is that we work together on putting the pressure where it really belongs: on Hamas,' Ambassador Mike Huckabee said, calling on Hamas to agree to another hostage release deal. 'When that happens and hostages are released, which is an urgent matter for all of us, then we hope that that humanitarian aid will flow and flow freely.'
But Gaza's starving civilians are running out of time.
At a soup kitchen in al-Nuseirat in central Gaza last Friday, hundreds of Palestinians waited in line in the scorching sun for the only meal most of them will eat that day.
Sitting on the ground, an elderly woman named Aisha shields her head from the sun with the pot she hopes will be filled with food. She feels sick – her head feels like it is melting, she says.
'We are starving, tired, and weary of this life,' Aisha says, her voice weak with fatigue. 'There is no food, no nothing. Death is easier than this life.'
Young and the old crowd towards the front of the line, pots and bowls raised high. The one meal a day from this charitable association has become their only lifeline – but the exhausting routine of hours spent standing in line for meager sustenance is pushing him and many others to the brink.
'This pot – how can it feed eight people?' Abu Subhi Hararah shouts, unable to contain his frustration. 'Who should I feed – my wife, my son, or the elderly?
'Our children are dying from war, from bombings at schools, tents and homes,' he cries. 'Have mercy on us. We are searching for a morsel of food.'
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Mada
3 days ago
- Mada
More than just a Squid Game: Gaza's aid trap
Shortly after midnight on June 17, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) announced that its aid distribution center in Khan Younis would open at 10 am. But Tarek al-Borayem from Gaza had already learned how things really worked in the two weeks since the GHF began its operations. The center would almost certainly begin distributing aid earlier than announced and shut its gates soon after. That's why he ignored the GHF's repeated warnings: 'Do not approach distribution centers or gather at the gates before they open.' Moving too early carries a deadly risk — Israeli forces can and do open fire at any moment. But the alternative, Borayem knows, is starving to death. This is the deadly game Palestinians in Gaza are forced to play each day. Borayem's prediction proved right. At 1:47 am, the GHF posted that the distribution had ended and the center was closed — four hours before the announced opening time. That day alone, at least 59 people waiting for aid were killed. Since the GHF began operations in late May, this daily game has killed 584 aid seekers and wounded over 4,000 others, according to the latest official figures. This was not a one-off occurrence. An analysis of the opening and closing times posted on the GHF's public social media page shows that the way its distribution operations are designed resembles a game. Many have compared it to Squid Game — the popular series in which contestants compete in games where losers are executed. The analogy has been invoked by both Palestinian civilians and Israeli soldiers in recent weeks. But the comparison doesn't quite hold. Unlike Squid Game, Gaza's 'aid game' has no fixed rules. Its start and end are not announced on a screen counting down time — but through bursts of gunfire. Over the past month, Mada Masr spoke to dozens of people who tried to reach GHF centers in hopes of securing a food parcel. Their testimonies were compiled alongside a database of every public announcement made by the GHF — opening hours, closures and procedural details — to identify patterns in its operations. The findings show that on average, each GHF center remained open for -13 minutes per day. A negative value. How can that be? To make sense of it, we must unpack the complex system under which the foundation has operated since May. It hinges on two key features: restricted access and deliberately misleading information about operating hours. The result is chaos and overcrowding, conditions that made it easier to target crowds, mostly made up of young men physically capable of reaching distribution points, fitting within a broader Israeli strategy to permanently reshape civilian life in Gaza. Amid this arrangement, Israeli soldiers have turned indiscriminate killing into something of a sport. And Palestinians have been left to play a rigged game with no chance of winning. The GHF operates four distribution centers across central and southern Gaza, excluding the north, which are intended to serve roughly one million people. They are located in areas that the Israeli military declared as combat zones and ordered residents to evacuate, placing them under direct military control. That means the centers are situated far from where people actually are. According to Mada Masr calculations — based on the locations of the centers and their average distance from 'safe zones' — civilians must walk an average of 6.6 kilometers to reach a center inside an active combat area. Under normal conditions, this journey would take one to two hours. Under war and Israeli-induced starvation, it can take at least twice as long. Only the young and able bodied can make the trip. This is the first contradiction embedded in the GHF's model. If a center is scheduled to open at 10 am, that means people must begin walking through designated 'safe corridors' at least two hours in advance — and that's under the best of circumstances. But the GHF's repeated announcements warn against this. 'Do not use the corridor before […], as the [Israeli] military has informed us it will be active in the area before and after the designated safe hours,' the warnings published on their social media repeatedly state. This presents an impossible choice: either depart before the designated 'safe' window opens and risk being shot by Israeli forces, or wait until it begins — only to arrive hours after the centers have opened, to find them already closed. To navigate this paradox, many people have opted to sleep on the ground overnight near the centers. And that is only the first layer of contradiction. The journey to reach a center would be arduous even if the opening hours were fixed and predictable. But the schedule keeps changing, which makes the trip impossible. Over the past month, the opening times of GHF centers have shifted repeatedly. Some days saw centers begin operating as early as 5 am, other days at 6 am, or noon. Other centers opened at 10 am, or 11 am, and, at times, 6 pm. On one occasion, the GHF announced a center would open at exactly 2:15 pm — a strangely specific time given the overall unpredictability. Stranger still: the announcement was posted at 2:25 pm — ten minutes after the stated opening time. This happened on multiple occasions. In some cases, no opening time was given at all. The GHF simply posted, 'The center is now open.' At other times, the GHF announced a specific opening time, only to later say that aid distribution at that site had already ended, sometimes hours earlier. These inconsistencies were so frequent that calculating the average daily operating time of each center — by subtracting the announced opening time from the announced closure — yields a negative figure: -13 minutes per day. Even when excluding the instances that lead to these negative values and factoring in only the days when centers adhered to their own posted schedules, the average daily operation time comes to just 13 minutes per day. Over the week leading up to Sunday, the figure dropped to just 9 minutes per day. A database compiled by Mada Masr shows that in the first month of operations, the average time between posting an announcement that it is open and a GHF center actually opening was four hours. But that window narrowed significantly over time. In the past two weeks, the average wait between announcement and opening fell to 2.5 hours. During the last week, it plummeted to just 24 minutes. How is this system supposed to work? According to the GHF's instructions, people are expected to 'stay updated on the latest announcements regarding the locations, times and instructions for upcoming parcel distributions.' In theory, that means staying glued to the GHF's social media page and having stable internet access. But in practice, during the final week of data collection, once an announcement was posted, people had an average of just 24 minutes to cover a distance that would normally take up to two hours to walk. Complying with the 'rules' of the game, then, becomes virtually impossible. And since waiting often means slow death, tens of thousands of Palestinians are forced to take this gamble each day. They have no choice but to either camp overnight near the center inside combat zones or leave well before the designated 'safe hours' in hopes of arriving within the narrow, unpredictable window — often just a few minutes — when the center might briefly open, before suddenly shutting again. But reaching the site is only the end of the first level. What happens next is another level. Sand barriers line the path leading to the centers. At the entrance — according to witness testimonies and photos of the centers — iron cages funnel people into gates with facial recognition cameras installed on them. Once identified, aid seekers are directed to collect an aid parcel. But due to massive crowds and poor internet connectivity, it's often unclear whether a center has actually opened. And since operations last minutes at a time, chaos breaks out as people rush to grab what little they can. One witness who arrived at the center in Netsarim on June 16 told Mada Masr that they showed up by 6 am, the designated opening time posted by the GHF. Word spread through the crowd that the gates were open, and people surged forward, only to be met with rounds of Israeli fire. The opening turned out to be a rumor. In reality, the center had shut down hours earlier. At the Rafah center on June 3, another witness described how thousands waited quietly for the gates to open. But without warning, bullets began to rain down on them. 'For no apparent reason,' the witness said. 'Dozens of people started falling' as screams and panic tore through the crowd. This wasn't an isolated case. Mada Masr collected several testimonies describing similar scenes. In testimonies published Friday by the Israeli daily newspaper Haaretz, Israeli officers and soldiers said they had orders to open fire on unarmed crowds — 'even though it was clear they posted no threat.' One soldier called the aid sites 'a killing field.' When the shooting would stop, he said, Palestinians know they can approach. 'Our form of communication is gunfire.' When the Israeli military does acknowledge opening fire at aid centers, it cites the approach of 'suspicious elements' as justification. But in many cases, there were no crowd surges, nothing that could warrant live fire. Over the past week, eyewitnesses described tall, fixed or mobile cranes they called 'towers,' stationed around some GHF centers. The cranes were outfitted with machine guns or sniper rifles. Witnesses described what they called 'silent killing;' people dropping to the ground without any audible shots or visible shooters. According to several testimonies, no one heard gunfire. Only the sudden collapse of bodies showed that shooting had taken place. Because of their silent operation during the night, the impression is that these guns are triggered by motion sensors that automatically fire at moving bodies. That is what brought to mind scenes from Squid Game, a comparison that has taken hold among both Palestinian civilians and Israeli soldiers. One soldier, quoted by Haaretz, said the operation near the aid center in his deployment area is referred to as Operation Salted Fish — Israel's own version of 'red light, green light,' the first game in Squid Game, in which contestants are gunned down by motion sensors. As UNRWA communications director Juliette Touma puts it, GHF's aid distribution model is 'deeply humiliating,' exploiting 'very desperate people.' The only reason to take that risk comes 'when your daughter is screaming from hunger,' says Yazan Sohayeb, who tried to get aid from the distribution center in Netsarim. This reality has pushed many Palestinians to head toward the centers in groups, hoping to improve their odds of securing some aid — or at least to help one another if one gets shot. Sohayeb, for instance, made the trip with his son. Others told Mada Masr they travel with neighbors. In some cases, witnesses described people carrying sticks or bladed weapons, hoping to win in the deadly aid game. Because of this, access to aid has become limited to those most capable of braving the risks — primarily men, and especially young men. A GHF staffer working at one of the distribution centers, speaking to Mada Masr on condition of anonymity and without disclosing their location, says that an American official overseeing an aid distribution center told them that drawing out young men was one of the intended outcomes of this model. 'It's a method of filtering out young men who are capable of supporting their families, and eliminating them — part of a plan that doesn't cost much militarily, while operating under the guise of a declared humanitarian aid initiative,' the staffer said, citing the official. 'In other words: kill the provider, and his family is left to starve to death.' In a mid-May briefing to the United Nations Security Council — two weeks before the GHF officially began operations — Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs Tom Fletcher noted a similar exclusionary logic of the aid model. GHF distribution, Fletcher said, 'practically excludes many, including people with disabilities, women, children, the elderly, the wounded.' Earlier that month, UNICEF spokesperson James Elder said that the Israeli model implemented by the GHF appeared to be designed to 'reinforce control over life-sustaining items as a pressure tactic.' The design and structure of GHF's operations serve strategic goals. By concentrating all four centers in southern Gaza and entirely excluding the north, the model appears intended to compel residents of northern Gaza to relocate south — aligning with Israel's declared policy. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reaffirmed the policy in March, after breaching the ceasefire agreement and resuming military operations in Gaza. Elder said that the aid model essentially imposes 'an impossible choice between displacement and death.' But this is not only a short-term strategy. A paper published in July 2024 by a journal affiliated with the Israeli military, titled Light at the End of the Tunnel: Toward a Civil Campaign, underscores the long-term importance of exerting control over civilian life as a means of securing dominance over Gaza, both during and after war. 'Various tools, and other means to affect civilian affairs must be developed,' the author argues. 'A fundamental question is how Israel, despite its vast experience in fighting within civilian environments, ended up in a war with all its civil affairs capabilities so severely limited. I will argue that employing these means in a large-scale, targeted manner, is critical to creating the turning-point needed to decisively defeat Hamas as a holistic governing system.' The author goes on to argue that this control must begin 'the moment Israel starts to engage directly with the population, manage aid distribution, and assumes responsibility for the day after – not as a political move, but as a response to the reality emerging on the ground.' The author lays out the features of this control: 'Israel should develop digital tools, build infrastructure and employ contractors that are not Israeli (for security missions, aid distribution and providing direct services).' The paper's author, Yotam HaCohen, is a strategic consultant with the Israeli military's Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT). According to a New York Times investigation published in late May, HaCohen, alongside a group of Israeli politicians, military officers and business people, began discussing the possibility of controlling aid distribution in Gaza as early as December 2023, just two months into the war. Following a series of discussions, the group agreed to develop an alternative aid distribution system that would circumvent United Nations agencies. The idea was to operate through 'pockets' within areas under Israeli military control — without Israel directly managing the system. The reasoning was that 'the Israelis did not want Israel to take on the responsibility of caring for Gaza's roughly two million residents,' sources told the outlet at the time. A month later, early attempts were made to pilot a model of aid distribution outside the UN framework — accompanied by an unprecedented smear campaign against UN agencies, particularly UNRWA. These trials quickly failed. But the group continued to develop its plans, refining the model in coordination with foreign contractors. Chief among them was Philip F. Reilly. Reilly, a former CIA operative, helped train the Contras — US-backed right-wing militias fighting Nicaragua's Marxist government in the 1980s, according to a 2022 podcast interview cited in the New York Times investigation. 'Two decades later,' the report says, '[Reilly] was one of the first US agents to land in Afghanistan after the September 11 attacks,' later serving as CIA station chief in Kabul. The plan ultimately placed a group affiliated with Reilly in charge of distributing aid under Israeli military oversight. In November, Reilly's representatives registered two US-based entities: Safe Reach Solutions, responsible for securing the aid, and the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, tasked with its distribution, sources said to the New York Times. The Israeli military soon began coordinating with the two entities to roll out the new model. A former Israeli military officer involved in the planning told The Washington Post that they carried out 'the entire operational planning of how we can deliver the aid needed — the exact amount needed and not an ounce more.' However, as the outlet notes, 'it was unclear how Israeli officials calculated this 'exact amount.'' In March, The Guardian reported that COGAT briefed representatives from several humanitarian organizations on the new system. 'The plan was presented as an established fact, with Israeli officials claiming it already had full US support,' aid officials told the outlet. So when the GHF officially launched operations in late May, its performance came as no surprise. Everyone knew the goal was never to deliver aid — but to weaponize it. That conclusion was widely echoed by international and UN agencies, all of which refused to take part. It was also what prompted the GHF's first CEO Jake Wood to resign before the foundation even began its operations, according to his statement. In the end, Israel's plan — 'with full US support' — produced a deadly game in which Palestinians are gunned down by snipers while trying to survive starvation. Hundreds have been killed and thousands wounded. All of the horror for a single box containing rice, lentils, pasta, canned goods and biscuits — enough, according to the GHF's stated guidelines and witness testimony, to last just one week. After that, the deadly gamble must be repeated all over again.
Al-Ahram Weekly
3 days ago
- Al-Ahram Weekly
Sudan refugees face deepening hunger as funds dry up: UN - War in Sudan
Millions of people displaced by the war in Sudan are at risk of falling deeper into crisis as funding for food aid dwindles, the UN's World Food Programme warned Monday. Since April 2023, war between the Sudanese army and paramilitary Rapid Support Forces has created the world's largest displacement crisis, with more than 10 million people displaced inside the country. Another four million have fled across borders, mainly to Chad, Egypt and South Sudan. "This is a full-blown regional crisis that's playing out in countries that already have extreme levels of food insecurity and high levels of conflict," said Shaun Hughes, WFP's emergency coordinator for the Sudan regional crisis. The United Nations says its humanitarian response plan for Sudan -- also the world's largest hunger crisis -- is only 14.4 per cent funded. A UN conference in Spain this week aims to rally international donors, following deep funding shortfalls that have affected relief operations globally. The WFP warned that support to Sudanese refugees in Egypt, Ethiopia, Libya and the Central African Republic "may grind to a halt in the coming months as resources run dry". In Egypt, which hosts around 1.5 million people who fled Sudan, food aid for 85,000 refugees -- 36 per cent of those previously supported -- had already been cut. Without new funding, the WFP warned, all assistance to the most vulnerable refugees would be suspended by August. In Chad, where more than 850,000 people have fled but find little help in overwhelmed camps, the WFP said food rations would be reduced even further. Around 1,000 refugees continue to arrive in Chad each day from Sudan's western Darfur region, where famine has already been declared and displacement camps regularly come under attack. "Refugees from Sudan are fleeing for their lives and yet are being met with more hunger, despair, and limited resources on the other side of the border," said Hughes. "Food assistance is a lifeline for vulnerable refugee families with nowhere else to turn." Inside Sudan, more than eight million people are estimated to be on the brink of famine, with nearly 25 million suffering dire food insecurity. Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link:
Al-Ahram Weekly
7 days ago
- Al-Ahram Weekly
PHOTO GALLERY: Palestinians desperately waiting for food at aid distribution point
People carrying aid parcels, walk along the Salah al-Din road near the Nusseirat refugee camp in the northern Gaza Strip, used by food-seeking Palestinians to reach an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), on June 25, 2025. AFP People carrying aid parcels, walk along the Salah al-Din road near the Nusseirat refugee camp in the northern Gaza Strip, used by food-seeking Palestinians to reach an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), on June 25, 2025. AFP A man carrying a wooden pallet, walks along the Salah al-Din road near the Nusseirat refugee camp in the northern Gaza Strip, used by food-seeking Palestinians to reach an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), on June 25, 2025. AFP A man carrying a wooden pallet, walks along the Salah al-Din road near the Nusseirat refugee camp in the northern Gaza Strip, used by food-seeking Palestinians to reach an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), on June 25, 2025. AFP Palestinians gather at an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), near the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on June 25, 2025. AFP Palestinians gather at an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), near the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on June 25, 2025. AFP Palestinians gather at an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), near the Nuseirat refugee camp in the northern Gaza Strip on June 25, 2025. AFP Palestinians gather at an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), near the Nuseirat refugee camp in the northern Gaza Strip on June 25, 2025. AFP Palestinians gather at an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), near the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on June 25, Palestinians gather at an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), near the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on June 25, TOPSHOT - Palestinians gather at an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), near the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on June 25, 2025. AFP TOPSHOT - Palestinians gather at an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), near the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on June 25, 2025. AFP Palestinians gather at an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), near the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on June 25, 2025. AFP Palestinians gather at an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), near the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on June 25, 2025. AFP Palestinians gather at an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), near the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on June 25, 2025. AFP Palestinians gather at an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), near the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on June 25, 2025. AFP Palestinians gather at an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), near the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on June 25, 2025. AFP Palestinians gather at an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), near the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on June 25, 2025. AFP Palestinians gather at an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), near the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on June 25, 2025. AFP Palestinians gather at an aid distributution point set up by the privately-run Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), near the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on June 25, 2025. AFP
