Beit Hanun disaster causing death of five IDF soldiers was a year in the making
Five Israeli soldiers were killed in Beit Hanun on Monday, and another 14 soldiers were wounded. The incident involved terrorists using explosive devices and gunfire and took place as the IDF's Netzah Yehuda Battalion, part of the Kfir Brigade, was operating in the northern Gaza city.
The tragedy in Beit Hanun is one of several similar incidents over the past month and a half of battles in Gaza. Israel returned to fighting in mid-March 2025 after a ceasefire that began in January.
However, operations in March and April were minimal, designed to expand the IDF's control of the Morag Corridor near Rafah and also return to the buffer zone along the border.
Beit Hanun is in the buffer zone. The Gazan town, which is very close to the Israeli city of Sderot, has long been a hot spot for terrorists, often used by Hamas and other groups to launch rockets at Israel.
The IDF operated in Beit Hanun many times during the 640 days of the Israel-Hamas War.
Most of the city has been badly damaged or destroyed in the war. However, there is a false perception that destroying areas in Gaza or razing whole communities will make the terrorists go away.
In fact, the rubble and destruction may only provide a false sense of victory. The terrorists return to the wreckage. Terrorists hiding in rubble are just as challenging to find as those operating in an urban area untouched by war.
The rubble may even help the terrorists hide, as it initially gives the impression that an area has been cleared or 'pacified.'
History demonstrates that the ruins of cities do not make them any easier to conquer. During the World War II Battle of Stalingrad, the Soviet city was destroyed, but the Soviets and Nazis nevertheless had a difficult time fighting over it.
WHAT HAS the clearing of Beit Hanun looked like over the last year and a half? Back in December 2024, the IDF said that 'following prior intelligence regarding the presence of terrorist infrastructure and operatives in the area, and as part of the effort to maintain security for the residents of the communities in southern Israel, the Nahal Brigade began operating overnight against terror targets in the area of Beit Hanun.'
The military asked civilians to move out of the town, and the IDF used the air force and artillery to strike terror targets before infantry moved in to mop up.
In September 2024, the IDF also had to strike terrorists in Beit Hanun.
'With the direction of IDF and Shin Bet [Israel Security Agency] intelligence, the IAF conducted a precise strike on a Hamas command and control center embedded inside a compound that previously served as the Raazi El Shua School in Beit Hanun,' it said.
The problem with Beit Hanun is that the terrorists keep returning – or perhaps they have never left.
In January 2025, just before the ceasefire, the IDF noted that 'the Nahal Brigade continues its activities in the Beit Hanun area in the Gaza Strip. As part of these activities, the brigade's troops uncovered and dismantled multiple sites used to launch rockets toward Israel, as well as several rockets intended to launch.'
The army said that 'booby-trapped structures and observation equipment planted in the area to harm our forces were dismantled. In recent days, the brigade's troops have been engaging in intense combat in the area, during which both commanders and soldiers have fallen. The IDF extends its condolences to the bereaved families and will continue to accompany them.'
This means that after more than a year of war, the terrorists were still active in Beit Hanun. They were placing improvised explosive devices, and they had plenty of terrorist infrastructure in the area.
There was 'intense combat,' the military said. Yet, despite the challenge of a year of fighting in Gaza from the end of 2023 to January 2025, the enemy was allowed to remain in Beit Hanun. The ceasefire clearly gave the enemy time to regroup and recover, as it has all over the Gaza Strip.
WHEN ISRAEL began operations again in March, Beit Hanun was not a significant objective.
Later, Operation Gideon's Chariots was launched in May to regain IDF control over approximately 60%-70% of the enclave.
The theory was that the military would control these areas permanently this time. No more raids into areas and then leaving, such that the enemy returns and the ground has to be repeatedly retaken.
Beit Hanun is a microcosm representation of Gaza. The IDF has cleared it several times. Most Israeli commentators who follow IDF operations noted on Tuesday that the area has been retaken numerous times.
Yet, the enemy was able to set up an apparently complex ambush. The same methods were used to soften up the area before the IDF entered with infantry.
The problem is that the enemy has become familiar with IDF tactics over the last 640 days of war. The tragedy in Beit Hanun was more than a year in the making. If Beit Hanun, which is close to Sderot, cannot be cleared, how will most of Gaza be fully cleared of terrorists?
Every military leader knows that plans only look good on paper until they are put into action against the enemy. Then, both sides should shift tactics as they learn what works and what does not.
Although the IDF has learned a lot in Gaza, the enemy is also learning. It is waiting in the wings for an opportunity to strike.
Hamas controls the central camps and Gaza City, and it assumes the IDF will not enter this 30% region of Gaza.
As such, it uses that as a redoubt and then fights a low-level insurgency in the 60% of Gaza where the IDF is operating.
Hamas knows that Israeli officials have vowed to disarm the terrorist group, exile its leaders, and defeat it. But it also knows that Israel has made these vows in the past and that Israel tends to convince itself that it is victorious, while Hamas survives each round.
All Hamas has to do is sit and wait. If it has survived in Beit Hanun, this indicates the difficulty of uprooting it from elsewhere as well.

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Washington Post
3 minutes ago
- Washington Post
Hamas facing financial and administrative crisis as revenue dries up
TEL AVIV — Hamas is facing its worst financial and administrative crisis in its four-decade history, facing stiff challenges in mustering the resources needed to continue fighting Israel and ruling Gaza. With its coffers depleted, Hamas's military wing can no longer adequately pay the salaries of its fighters, though it is still able to recruit teenage boys for missions like keeping lookout or placing explosives along Israeli military routes, according to Oded Ailam, who is a former high-level Israeli intelligence officer, and current Israel Defense Forces officers. The group has also been unable to replace the well equipped tunnels and underground command centers that Israeli forces have destroyed in their bid to uproot Hamas. Before he was killed in an airstrike two months ago, Hamas military commander Mohammed Sinwar had been forced to take refuge in a one-room hideout 30 feet below a hospital in southern Gaza. The spartan bunker was a far cry from the vast underground complex that the Israeli military said it found earlier in the war farther north, which included spacious white-tiled rooms, a blast-proof door, mechanical ventilation and ample space to accommodate weapons stockpiles. 'Hamas is not rebuilding their tunnels, they're not paying their highly trained fighters, they're only surviving,' Ailam said. Nor can the Hamas administration meet the payroll of police and ministry employees in Gaza, where the group has been the governing authority since 2007, or continue to pay death benefits to the families of fighters killed, according to Ailam, a local Palestinian policeman and two other Gazans. Ibrahim Madhoun, a Gazan analyst close to Hamas, said that the group had not prepared for more than a year of war and has been forced to adopt austerity measures, such as cutting administrative costs and salaries, while trying to maintain some basic services — for instance, by setting up emergency committees that provide basic local services such as garbage collection and management of generator fuel — and thus some semblance of governing authority. To pick up some of the slack, Madhoun said, Hamas also relies on efforts of the local community and the 'strong social network that helps absorb the shocks.' Hamas officials did not respond to requests for comment about the group's financial health. Hamas and Israel are currently negotiating over a possible 60-day ceasefire, with Israel seeking to ensure that it can maintain pressure on Hamas and the militant group looking for a lifeline. All sides say the talks are making progress, but an agreement remains elusive. Earlier in the war, Hamas relied on taxes imposed on commercial shipments and the seizure of humanitarian goods, according to Gazans and current and former Israeli and foreign officials. According to a Gazan who has worked at the border, plainclothes Hamas personnel routinely took inventory of goods at the Rafah crossing, until it closed last year, and at the Kerem Shalom crossing, though it was under IDF control. They also surveyed warehouses and markets. Most of the Palestinians interviewed for this story spoke either on the condition of anonymity or that only their first name be used, for fear of reprisal by Hamas. The United Nations, the European Commission and major international aid organizations have said they have no evidence that Hamas has systematically stolen their aid, and the Israeli government has not provided proof. Hamas profited 'especially off the aid that had cost them nothing but whose prices they hike up,' said a Gazan contractor who has worked at Gaza's border crossings during the war. Over nearly two years, he said, he saw Hamas routinely collect 20,000 shekels (about $6,000) from local merchants, threatening to confiscate their trucks if they did not pay. He recalled that civil servants for the Hamas-led government said several times that they would kill him or call him a collaborator with Israel if he did not cooperate with their demands to divert aid. He said he refused. But he added that he knew at least two aid truck drivers who he said were killed by Hamas for refusing to pay. When Israel imposed a siege on Gaza in March, shortly before breaking a two-month ceasefire with Hamas, most of those shipments came to a halt. Hamas officials did not respond to requests for comment about accounts that it has taxed or impounded commercial shipments, stolen humanitarian aid or extorted local businessmen. Hamas triggered the devastating war in Gaza by attacking Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, killing some 1,200 people and taking about 250 others back into Gaza as hostages. Since then, the Israeli military campaign has killed more than 58,000 people, mostly women and children, Gazan health authorities say. An Israeli military official said Hamas has lost 90 percent of its leadership and 90 percent of its weapons stockpiles over the course of the conflict. The official spoke on the condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to talk to the news media. In the early phase of the war, Hamas had rushed to stash cash and supplies underground, but those have run short. In March 2024, the Israeli army said that it confiscated more than $3 million from the tunnels beneath al-Shifa Hospital, in northern Gaza, according to a statement in the IDF's WhatsApp group. But Hamas has profited off commercial trade and humanitarian aid, netting hundreds of millions of dollars, according to two Israeli military officials and an Israeli intelligence official, who all spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive findings. For instance, the officials said, Hamas seized at least 15 percent of some goods, like flour, and aid vouchers that international agencies had intended to provide to hungry Gazans. These officials said some of that was given to Hamas personnel and supporters while the rest was sold to make money. Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib, a Palestinian American who leads the advocacy group Realign for Palestine, said that Hamas repeatedly modified its strategy for profiting off aid and commerce while counting on the humanitarian crisis to bring the war to an end. 'Hamas's strategy relied on the suffering of Gazans,' said Alkhatib. 'But when this strategy failed, it foolishly doubled down on this approach, in large part because it had nothing else in its toolbox to deal with Israel's ferocious reaction to Oct. 7 and the world's inability to stop it.' 'Hamas sees aid as its most important currency,' said a man from Deir al-Balah, in central Gaza, who helps manage the distribution of aid. He said that while most of the population had to scrape for water and food, people affiliated with Hamas had been gifted boxes of aid meant for wider distribution. The IDF, citing intelligence, says the aid organizations targeted by Hamas have included U.N. agencies and NGOs. The Israeli government has used allegations of widespread Hamas theft to justify draconian restrictions on humanitarian assistance entering Gaza and to justify bombing aid depots. Some far-right members of the Israeli government have said these restrictions are useful in pressuring Hamas into making negotiating concessions and in turning Gaza's population against Hamas. Israel has not provided public proof that Hamas has systematically stolen aid brought into Gaza under the U.N. system, and despite requests from The Washington Post to officials in the IDF, the Israeli Foreign Ministry and the prime minister's office, no evidence has been provided to substantiate reports of widespread diversion of U.N. food aid. Nor has Israel privately presented proof to humanitarian organizations or Western government officials, even when they have pressed for evidence, according to interviews with more than a dozen aid officials and several current and former Western officials. Carl Skau, deputy executive director for the U.N.'s World Food Program, one of the main providers of flour in Gaza throughout the war, said in an interview that systematic aid diversion by Hamas 'has not been an issue for us so far in the conflict.' WFP previously reported three instances of looting of its supplies during 21 months of war. 'We have mitigating measures that we have drawn lessons from over the past 40 years operating in these kinds of complex environments with armed groups,' he said. 'We are putting all those mitigating measures in place.' Officials from several major international aid organizations have also said that there has been no systematic diversion of their aid by Hamas and that they have robust procedures for tracking aid as it enters Gaza and is distributed. An Egyptian official briefed on intelligence, however, said that Hamas had indeed stolen some of this food aid. 'Hamas is trying to use the aid to survive. It's happening,' said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to talk to the news media. Among the group's demands in negotiations with Israel over a new ceasefire deal is the reopening of Gaza's borders and the surging of humanitarian aid — partly to alleviate the severe shortage of food that has turned public opinion against Hamas, but also to revive its cash flow, said an official familiar with the talks who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive deliberations. 'One of the reasons that Hamas is pushing for a return to the old system is that they have guys in all of the warehouses,' said a Western official who spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to talk to the news media. The presence of employees of the Gaza government allows Hamas to regulate and monitor market activities, as well as tax or seize some of the supplies at times, said a high-level Israeli official. Until commercial shipments into Gaza were suspended in October, Hamas taxed these imports at the border and, if traders refused, commandeered a portion of their trucks and sold their contents to Gazan merchants, according to a Gazan economic reporter. He said that before the war, 'fuel and cigarettes were the highest taxed and most profitable items for the Hamas government in Gaza,' adding that revenue data has been difficult to access. A Gazan businessman said Hamas had imposed a tax of a least 20 percent on many goods. But the group also would take control of trucks carrying high-demand goods like flour, which could sell for up to $30 for a kilogram, and steal fuel meant for aid groups. Fuel supplies have produced high revenue for Hamas during the war, with the group both taxing and seizing fuel stored at gas stations for sale, said an Israeli military official who spoke on the condition of anonymity in accordance with military protocol. In addition to taxing goods, Hamas also made money by allowing associated merchants to sell imported staples like sugar and flour at inflated prices without fear of being punished for price gouging, according to the IDF, which cited an internal Hamas document obtained by the military. The Gazan economic reporter, who spoke on the condition of anonymity out of fear of retaliation, confirmed that these merchants are allowed to sell goods at inflated prices. He said Hamas would at times constrain supply on the market by ordering others to withhold distribution for several days, thus forcing up prices. When Israel resumed the war in March, Hamas saw its revenue tumble as imports and aid shipments into Gaza largely were reduced to a trickle. The establishment in May of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation — a food assistance program backed by the U.S. and Israel whose operations have been overshadowed by the repeated fatal shooting of Palestinians seeking aid at its centers — has deprived Hamas of earlier revenue, the Israeli military official said. As Hamas has come under growing military and financial pressures, it has become increasingly repressive in a bid to show it is still in control. Gazans interviewed for this story spoke of growing fear of retribution. In videos posted since this spring on social media by a Hamas-linked unit formed to dole out punishments, masked gunmen are shown beating up and shooting the legs of men accused of stealing aid. Gazans said Hamas is also seeking to intimidate those critical of the group. Last month, for instance, Mowafeq Khdour, 31, was robbed and brutally beaten by dozens of armed Hamas men after he spoke out publicly against Hamas, his brother Mahmoud said over WhatsApp. As Hamas adopts harsher policies, the group's popularity is falling, said Rami, a 40-year-old employee of the Hamas-run government who spoke on the condition that only his first name be used out of concern for his safety. He said the anger on Gaza's streets is markedly different from the optimism earlier in the conflict, when 'we believed we were on the brink of liberating Palestine or achieving a major victory in the war,' especially with Hamas and its allies holding about 250 people hostage. 'Israel's actions are undeniably criminal, but Hamas's poor judgment and failure to account for the war's aftermath have also contributed significantly to this disaster,' Rami said. Balousha reported from Hamilton, Ontario. Miriam Berger and Lior Soroka in Tel Aviv contributed to this report.


Boston Globe
33 minutes ago
- Boston Globe
Faint signs of life appear in effort to halt Ukraine war
Zelensky proposed talks on a cease-fire, prisoner exchanges, and the return of Ukrainian children deported to Russia during the war. He reiterated an offer for a direct meeting with President Vladimir Putin of Russia, first floated in May. Putin had then remained silent for days before rejecting the offer. 'The Russian side must stop hiding from decisions,' Zelensky said in a video address Saturday evening. Ukraine, he said, has offered a meeting in the coming week in Istanbul, where two previous rounds of talks took place in May and June. Advertisement Zelensky said his national security adviser, Rustem Umerov, had conveyed the proposal to the Russian negotiating team. Russia did not immediately respond directly to Ukraine's offer. The Kremlin spokesperson, Dmitri S. Peskov, told Russian state television Sunday that Putin wanted a peace agreement but that 'the main thing for us is to achieve our goals' in the war. Advertisement 'President Putin has repeatedly spoken of his desire to bring the Ukrainian settlement to a peaceful conclusion as soon as possible,' Peskov said. 'This is a long process, it requires effort, and it is not easy.' Tass, a Russian state news agency, confirmed that the Kremlin had received the offer. Russia is seeking additional territory, a declaration that Ukraine will not join NATO and will remain a neutral state, limits on the future size of Ukraine's army, and recognition of Russian as an official language in Ukraine, among other demands. The Trump administration has pushed for an unconditional cease-fire before substantive talks on a final settlement. Ukraine agreed to that condition in March. In Kyiv, members of Parliament and analysts have held out little hope for a quick resolution in the talks mediated by President Trump, who had said during his election campaign last year that he would end the war, the most lethal in Europe since World War II, within 24 hours of his election. Even as talks began in May, Russia intensified missile and drone bombardments of Ukrainian cities and opened an offensive along the eastern front line. But by agreeing to talks and another request from the Trump administration to share profits from future natural resources deals, Ukraine succeeded in winning support for the weapons agreement and the threat of sanctions on the Kremlin's trading partners. Under the agreement Trump first announced July 7, allies of Ukraine will donate air defense and other weapons to Ukraine and purchase replacements from the United States. A week later, Trump said he would move to hasten those weapons deliveries, and threatened to impose sanctions on Russia's trading partners to pressure the Kremlin. Advertisement 'We in Ukraine did everything we could,' Halyna Yanchenko, an independent lawmaker who caucuses with Zelensky's political party, said in an interview. 'Our goal was to show the US that you cannot believe Putin.' Some success came in the announcements earlier this month from Trump, though the president has flip-flopped on Ukraine policy before and the sanctions deadline that expires in September will do little to curb Russia's offensive underway in the east. Ukraine is expecting a first delivery of additional Patriot air defense missiles from Germany, which will then replenish its own arsenal from new purchases from the United States. Seven other NATO countries are expected to follow suit. Ensuring a longer-term supply of air defenses could hasten talks: It would remove an incentive for Russia to delay talks until Ukraine's air defenses run out, when the Russians could threaten ballistic missile attacks on undefended cities and military sites.


San Francisco Chronicle
33 minutes ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
Gaza's children have missed 2 years of school. A truce won't undo the damage
KHAN YOUNIS, Gaza Strip (AP) — Two years ago, Sarah Qanan was a star high school student preparing for final exams and dreaming of becoming a doctor. Today, the 18-year-old lives in a sweltering tent in the Gaza Strip and says she is just trying to stay alive. She's part of a generation of Palestinians from grade school through university who have had virtually no access to education in the territory since the war began in October 2023. Classes were suspended that month and schools were transformed into crowded shelters as hundreds of thousands fled their homes at the start of Israel's campaign of retaliation after Hamas' Oct. 7, 2023, attack. The closure of schools has removed a key social outlet for young people as they grapple with war, hunger and displacement. For younger children, it has meant missing out on basic skills like reading and simple arithmetic. For older students, advanced subjects, graduation exams and college applications have all been put on hold. Even if negotiations lead to another ceasefire, it's unclear when anything in Gaza will be rebuilt. Vast areas have been completely destroyed, and the U.N. children's agency estimates that nearly 90% of schools will need substantial reconstruction before they can function again. Like many in Gaza, Qanan's family has been displaced multiple times and is now living in a tent. When an Israeli airstrike destroyed their home in early 2024, she dug through the rubble in search of her books, but 'there was nothing left.' 'My sole dream was to study medicine,' Qanan said. 'I stopped thinking about it. All my thoughts now are about how to survive.' Hundreds of thousands out of school More than 650,000 students have had no access to education since the start of the war, according to the U.N. children's agency, UNICEF. That includes nearly 40,000 students who were unable to take university entry exams that largely determine their career prospects. It's the first time in decades that the exams were not administered in Gaza. Israel's bombardment and ground operations have killed tens of thousands of Palestinians and displaced 90% of Gaza's population. School-age children in crowded shelters and tent camps are often forced to help their families find food, water and firewood. A complete Israeli blockade imposed in early March that was only slightly eased 2 ½ months later has driven the territory to the brink of famine. Local education officials, working with UNICEF and other aid groups, set up hundreds of learning spaces to try and provide education during the war. 'We're trying to salvage what we can of the educational process, so that the next generation doesn't slip through our fingers,' said Mohamed al-Asouli, head of the education department in the southern city of Khan Younis. During a six-week ceasefire in January and February, some 600 learning spaces provided lessons for around 173,000 children, according to UNICEF. But since March, when Israel ended the truce with a surprise bombardment, nearly half have shut down. 'The impact goes beyond learning losses,' said Rosalia Bollen, a UNICEF spokeswoman. 'Children in Gaza have been trapped in a cycle not just of exposure to unprecedented violence, but also a cycle of fear, of toxic stress, of anxiety.' 'Two years of my life are gone' Some have tried to continue their studies through online learning, but it's not easy in Gaza, where there has been no central electricity since the start of the war. Palestinians must use solar panels or hard-to-find generators to charge their phones, and internet is unreliable. 'The mobile phone is not always charged, and we only have one at home,' said Nesma Zouaroub, a mother of four school-age children. She said her youngest son should be in second grade but does not know how to read or write. 'The children's future is ruined,' she said. Ola Shaban tried to continue her civil engineering studies online through her university after the campus was destroyed by Israeli forces in April 2024. She had to walk long distances to get a signal in her hometown near Khan Younis, and she eventually gave up. 'I couldn't continue because of lack of internet, continuous displacement and the constant sense of fear,' she said. 'Two years of my life are gone.' Israel's offensive has killed over 57,000 Palestinians, according to Gaza's Health Ministry. The ministry, which is part of the Hamas-run government, does not differentiate between combatants and civilians but says over half the dead are women and children. Its figures are used by the U.N. and other international organizations as the most reliable statistics on war casualties. Hamas-led militants killed some 1,200 people in the Oct. 7 attack and abducted 251. They are still holding 50 hostages, less than half believed to be alive, after most of the rest were released in ceasefire deals or other agreements. Qanan's father, Ibrahim, a local journalist, said his family did everything it could to support Sarah's ambition to study medicine, only to see it go up in smoke when the war broke out. 'The war stunned us and turned our life upside down,' the father of six said. 'Our dreams and hopes were buried in the rubble of our home.' ___ Magdy reported from Cairo. ___