Three Boxer Fighters and an Unprecedented Abyss
Unprecedented scenes in this terrifying region. In the scorching Middle Eastern ring, three great boxers face off over patches of blood and lakes of rubble. The people of the region woke up to the news that US bombers had struck three Iranian nuclear facilities at dawn. The Israelis woke up to destruction they had never seen since the founding of the state in 1948. The people of Iran awoke to Israeli fighter jets having seized their skies, raining down missiles on military bases, radars, and launch sites, hunting down generals and nuclear scientists.
The three boxers whose decisions will determine whether the region is secure and stable, as well as the health of the arteries that connect the region to the world. The story is bigger and more dangerous than Hormuz. Three men who can land heavy blows cannot back down after having gone too far. Three boxers, each seeking either to expand his country's influence or restore its greatness.
The eldest of the boxers was born on June 14, 1946. That is, he happened to be born in the month that engendered more wars in the Middle East than any other. In another coincidence, he celebrated his birthday the day after Israeli raids on Iran. A few days ago, he entered the final year of his seventies, and his eighties will catch up to him in the White House.
He has not fought in Vietnam or elsewhere. He chose to go into business and learned 'the art of the deal.' Profit is his obsession, and he hates to admit defeat. He understood the magic of the screen, making regular appearances before Americans, who memorized his famous line: 'You're fired.'
Success in real estate fueled his desire for the keys to the White House. He jumped between parties before joining the Republicans, eventually managing to take over the party and win the race to the White House.
A man who did not belong to the establishment became the decision-maker of the "only remaining superpower. "In his first term, Donald Trump made two dangerous decisions relevant to current development. The first was withdrawing from the nuclear agreement with Iran, and the second was the assassination of General Qassem Soleimani near Baghdad International Airport.
Before his second term, however, he presented himself as a candidate eager to end wars and go down in history as a peace-maker with a Nobel Prize.
In addressing Iran's nuclear program, he negotiated, set deadlines, and made terrifying threats. The result was what it was. His engagement was crowned by American raids on Iran's nuclear facilities.
The second boxer was born on April 19, 1939. He is now sailing through the second half of his eighties. On June 4, 1989, he became known as the 'Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution.' It is not a mandate achievement to be entrusted with Khomeini's legacy and granted unlimited powers in a country like Iran. Ali Khamenei stuck to the policy of exporting the revolution- a goal that has been enshrined into the Iranian constitution. He backed Qassem Soleimani's plans to surround Israel and the region with missiles and 'parallel armies.'
Under Khamenei's leadership, Iran made gains in post-Saddam Iraq, post-Ali Abdullah Saleh Yemen, Syria, and Lebanon. However, its successes were destroyed by something like a hurricane after Yahya Sinwar's 'Flood.' The Syrian front collapsed, and Bashar al-Assad is watching the flames spread from his Russian exile, while Ahmad al-Sharaa has managed to steer Syria away from the line of fire.
In a scene that must have been no less painful to the Supreme Leader, Lebanon's Hezbollah was deprived of Hassan Nasrallah. It has lost the capabilities needed to wage a new war against Israel, even in defense of Iran itself. It was difficult for Khamenei, now in the latter half of his eighties, to offer a major concession to Soleimani's killer in hopes of avoiding strikes from Nasrallah's assassin.
The Supreme Leader has witnessed many unprecedented scenes recently: Ismail Haniyeh, the leader of Hamas, was killed in Tehran itself. Nasrallah was killed in Beirut, along with several of his top aides. Sinwar and other Hamas leaders were killed in Gaza. Ahmad al-Sharaa shook hands and received promises of aid, washing Syria's hands of the Iranian era.
Then came Trump, offering Iran a future without Syria, without the militias, and without the insurance policy that it increasingly needs: a nuclear bomb, or being on the verge of obtaining one. Khamenei could not prevent the two other boxers from ganging up on his country.
The third boxer was born in Tel Aviv on October 21, 1949. He is now in the latter half of his seventies. He has broken a number of records and exhausted the region. He has spent 17 years in the prime minister's office so far, outlasting all of his predecessors. He has also killed more Palestinian people and leaders than anyone else, and the same applies to senior figures in Lebanon's Hezbollah.
For many years, he has been dreaming of taking his battle to its 'real theater,' of a direct clash with Iran. Indeed, he has long regarded Iran's nuclear program as an 'existential threat' and has repeatedly knocked on the White House door seeking American help to unleash a hurricane in Iran. It is clear that Benjamin Netanyahu managed to get into Trump's head. He has shaped the latter's calculations and pivots.
The future of the region now hinges on the decisions of three heavyweight boxers. All of them have their historic legacies on their minds. The game is delicate and dangerous. If the Iranian boxer retaliates directly against the American boxer, the scale of the ensuing conflict could undermine the very foundations of the regime itself. It is hard to imagine that he could keep exchanging blows with the Israeli boxer without triggering American intervention.
Addressing a small circle of confidants one day, Qassem Soleimani claimed that America is the thread that maintains the 'unjust balances' in the Middle East. 'This thread must be cut, and this is possible.' He also said that if Israel is an American aircraft carrier, then carriers can be sunk by piercing deep holes into them and pushing their inhabitants to lose faith in their army and government.
Have the Israeli and American boxers now agreed to destroy the Iranian nuclear program and sever the thread that ties Tehran to its proxies?
They are three great boxers. Unprecedented scenes. So who can pull the terrifying Middle East back from the brink?
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Arab News
2 hours ago
- Arab News
At least 1.2 million Afghans forced to return from Iran and Pakistan this year — UN
ISLAMABAD: At least 1.2 million Afghans have been forced to return from Iran and Pakistan this year, the UN refugee agency said Saturday, warning that repatriations on a massive scale have the potential to destabilize the fragile situation in Afghanistan. Iran and Pakistan in 2023 launched separate campaigns to expel foreigners they said were living in the country illegally. They set deadlines and threatened them with deportation if they didn't leave. The two governments deny targeting Afghans, who have fled their homeland to escape war, poverty or Taliban rule. The UN high commissioner for refugees said that of the 1.2 million returning Afghans, more than half had come from Iran following a March 20 government deadline for them to leave voluntarily or face expulsion. Iran has deported more than 366,000 Afghans this year, including refugees and people in refugee-like situations, according to the agency. Iran's 12-day war with Israel also has driven departures. The highest number of returns was on June 26, when 36,100 Afghans crossed the border in one day. 'Afghan families are being uprooted once again, arriving with scant belongings, exhausted, hungry, scared about what awaits them in a country many of them have never even set foot in,' said Arafat Jamal, the UNHCR representative in the Afghan capital, Kabul. He said women and girls are particularly worried, as they fear the restrictions on freedom of movement and basic rights such as education and employment. More than half Afghanistan relies on humanitarian assistance. But opposition to Taliban policies and widespread funding cuts are worsening the situation, with aid agencies and nongovernmental organizations cutting back on basic services like education and health care. IRAN URGES FOREIGNERS TO LEAVE QUICKLY Iran's attorney general, Mohammad Movahedi Azad, said Saturday that foreigners in the country illegally should leave as soon as possible or face prosecution, state media reported. 'Foreign nationals, especially brothers and sisters from Afghanistan whom we have hosted for years, help us [so] that illegal individuals leave Iran in the shortest period,' the official IRNA news agency quoted Azad as saying. Iranian authorities said in April that out of more than 6 million Afghans, up to 2.5 million were in the country illegally. Iran's top diplomat in Kabul, Ali Reza Bikdeli, visited the Dogharoun border crossing with Afghanistan and promised to facilitate the repatriation of Afghans, state TV reported. Iranians have complained about the increasing presence of Afghans in recent months, with some accusing them of spying for Israel since the outbreak of the war. TALIBAN PLEDGE AMNESTY Earlier this month, on the religious festival of Eid Al-Adha, the Taliban prime minister said all Afghans who fled the country after the collapse of the former Western-backed government were free to return, promising they would be safe. 'Afghans who have left the country should return to their homeland,' Mohammad Hassan Akhund said in a message on X. 'Nobody will harm them. Come back to your ancestral land and live in an atmosphere of peace.' On Saturday, a high-ranking ministerial delegation traveled to western Herat province to meet some of the Afghans returning from Iran. The officials pledged 'swift action to address the urgent needs of the returnees and ensure that essential services and support are provided to ease their reintegration,' according to a statement from the Taliban deputy spokesman Hamdullah Fitrat on X. People get food, temporary accommodation and access to health care upon their return, said Ahmadullah Muttaqi, the director of information and culture in Herat. Everyone receives 2,000 Afghanis, or $28.50, in cash and is taken free of charge to their home provinces. 'Upon arrival, they are housed in designated camps until permanent housing is arranged, as residential townships are currently under construction in every province for them,' he told The Associated Press. Meanwhile, Pakistani authorities have set a June 30 deadline for some 1.3 million Afghans to leave. Pakistan aims to expel a total of 3 million Afghans this year.


Arab News
2 hours ago
- Arab News
Partnering for prosperity: UK's industrial strategy and Saudi Vision 2030
The UK and Saudi Arabia stand at a pivotal moment in their bilateral relationship. As we witness the remarkable transformation underway across the Kingdom through Vision 2030, I am pleased to share how the UK's newly launched Modern Industrial Strategy creates an exceptional opportunity to further strengthen the partnership between the two nations. This week, the UK government unveiled its comprehensive, 10-year industrial strategy, establishing a clear roadmap for economic growth focused on eight high-value sectors in which Britain has international competitive advantage. This strategy represents our commitment to making the UK an even more attractive destination for international investment by creating a stable, open, and strategic business environment. What makes this moment particularly exciting is how closely our industrial strategy aligns with Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030. Both national frameworks share remarkably similar objectives: economic diversification, technological innovation, human capability development, and the creation of environments that attract quality foreign investment. This alignment creates natural synergies that can accelerate mutual prosperity. As partners in economic transformation, we recognize that prosperity requires a strategic approach. The global landscape has changed fundamentally in recent years, presenting new challenges, from supply chain disruptions to energy-security concerns. Yet within these challenges lie tremendous opportunities for collaboration on frontier industries in which both nations can excel together. The eight growth-driving sectors of the Industrial Strategy that will power Britain's economic future are: advanced manufacturing, clean energy industries, creative industries, defense, digital and technologies, financial services, life sciences, and professional and business services. In each of these sectors, we see clear alignment with Vision 2030's priorities for economic diversification. The Great Futures campaign, launched last year, has already proven to be an exceptional vehicle for delivering on this shared vision. We brought more than 450 business leaders to the Kingdom in May 2024 — the largest and most senior UK business delegation to visit any country in over a decade — and witnessed the immense appetite for partnership between our business communities. That event catalyzed partnerships worth more than £7.7 billion ($10.6 billion) and delivered more than 50 agreements across priority sectors. Together, we can build a future of shared innovation, sustainable growth, and mutual success. Neil Crompton These are not merely commercial transactions; they represent transformative collaborations that advance the strategic interests of both nations. Take clean energy, for instance. UK firm HYCAP has partnered with leading Saudi companies to invest more than £750 million in hydrogen-powered transport, securing more than 1,000 jobs across both kingdoms. Meanwhile, Carbon Clean's collaboration with Saudi Aramco on modular carbon capture technology is accelerating sustainable development. In infrastructure development, British expertise is contributing significantly to projects that are reshaping the landscape of the Kingdom under Vision 2030. These include airports, aviation, rail transportation, and construction within Saudi giga-projects, with many more in the pipeline. Financial services represent another area of exceptional synergy. London's position as a world-leading financial hub has created natural partnerships with Saudi institutions. The UK is the main location for Saudi companies and investors who want to issue green and Islamic bonds outside the Kingdom, while the London Stock Exchange has 100 percent of Saudi market share across corporate and sovereign banks. Human capability development stands at the heart of both our strategies. The recent Great Futures UK-Saudi Skills Forum brought together our governments to accelerate their partnership on technical and vocational education. Working with Saudi ministries, the UK is identifying sustainable opportunities to develop the skills vital for the economy of tomorrow. As we look ahead, the announcement of the UK-Saudi Sustainable Infrastructure Assembly marks an important next step in our partnership. This initiative will boost collaboration between the UK's financial and professional services sectors and Saudi Arabia's sustainable infrastructure developers, ensuring that British expertise can contribute effectively to Vision 2030 projects. The Industrial Strategy has been international from the start, built on lessons learned from what works in other countries, and designed for the global context. This is evident in our diplomatic engagement approach, which prioritizes mutually beneficial partnerships rather than competition. We seek to deepen economic collaboration with partners such as Saudi Arabia to increase reciprocal investment and trade, foster innovation, and bolster the resilience of supply chains critical to our frontier industries. Later this year, Great Futures will mark a year of successful partnerships with a leadership summit in London. Bringing together senior UK and Saudi ministers, alongside representatives from key industries in both nations, this celebration will showcase the tangible achievements of our campaign while setting the agenda for future collaboration. I hope many Saudi business and government leaders will join us on this important occasion. The relationship between the UK and Saudi Arabia has never been stronger, with bilateral trade exceeding £17 billion annually and more than 1,300 UK firms operating in the Kingdom. But I believe the opportunities before us are even greater. By aligning the ambitions of the UK's Modern Industrial Strategy with Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030, we can create a model for international economic collaboration that delivers prosperity for both our nations. Together, we can build a future of shared innovation, sustainable growth, and mutual success. The UK stands ready as your committed partner on this journey.


Arab News
3 hours ago
- Arab News
Missile exchanges may have ended — but questions remain
As befits 21st century diplomacy, US President Donald Trump announced a complete and total ceasefire between Iran and Israel on social media, congratulating 'everyone' for this, especially himself. After regrettable violations within the first few hours of the truce, which needlessly caused more loss of life, the deal to end this 12-day war seems to be holding. It is probably the first good news for the region in months, as both sworn enemies have given way to pressure exerted by Washington and are holding fire, at least for now. Until the ceasefire was agreed there was a danger the region might become embroiled in a long war of attrition. Now that the missile and drone exchanges have ended, one inevitable question is whether this costly affair could have been prevented — not just as a hypothetical exercise, but as a lesson in how to avoid another military confrontation between two of the most powerful militaries in the region. Could diplomacy have achieved the same, or even better, results, without inflicting death, destruction, and psychological scars on both combatants? The build-up to these 12 days of hostilities began more than a quarter of the century ago, and some might argue as far back as 1979 when the Iranian revolution rather artificially marked Israel, for its close relations with both the toppled shah and the US, as an enemy. History will look back at this deep enmity and might struggle to find objective reasons for it. Initially this hostility served the revolution as a tool for consolidating its hold on power at home and suppressing opposition. In turn, it also helped to propel Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to power as Israel's defender against the Iranian threat, both conventional and potentially nuclear. Time will possibly reveal how close Iran was to assembling a nuclear bomb, and most analysts agree that the US decision to withdraw from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action nuclear deal in 2018, during Trump's first term, removed the shackles from Iran's uranium enrichment program, bringing it closer to weapons grade. It is hardly believable that the Tehran regime should have invested such huge resources only for civilian use. It is also the case that in forming and leading the so-called axis of resistance, Iran, through its proxies in the region, posed a threat to stability sufficient to eventually merit a response. Ultimately, despite being a source of major disruption, even a lethal one in the case of Hamas, and to a lesser extent Hezbollah, it could not match Israel's military capabilities, especially when the latter was backed by the US and other allies. On this occasion, Netanyahu managed also to lure Trump to act against his instincts and use military force. For the US leader the dilemma was between maintaining his posture as a president who brings an end to wars, and the temptation to deliver an almost risk-free strike against Iran's main nuclear sites after Israel's air force had eliminated the country's air defense capabilities. Could diplomacy have achieved the same, or even better, results? Yossi Mekelberg The latter then gained the upper hand, enabling Trump, in a matter of days, to potentially inflict a decisive blow against Iran's nuclear program, especially in Fordow, where it is believed more than 400 kg of uranium enriched to 60 percent was stored, and then lean on both sides to stop the hostilities. When both violated the ceasefire, Trump was furious, telling the media in no uncertain terms that 'we basically have two countries that have been fighting so long and so hard that they don't know what ... they're doing.' Yet, his criticism of Israel was far more robust, including a demand that Netanyahu order its pilots to return from another mission immediately. Allowing Iran a symbolic attack on US military bases in Qatar without any loss of life permitted an act of theater that allowed Tehran to save face after weeks of humiliation during which it lost many of its military chiefs and top scientists, exposing the level of Israel's penetration to nearly every government department, scientific institution, and military command. Nevertheless, Israel's vulnerability was also exposed by its failure to sufficiently protect its civilian population, revealing a severe shortage of adequate shelters as their enemy hit hospitals, the main international airport, and even oil refineries in Haifa. What emerged quickly was the difference between the open-ended conflict that Israel embarked on and Washington's priorities. Israel had many far-reaching objectives beyond Iran's nuclear program, including degrading its conventional military power, and instigating regime change. For Trump, however, it was simply about setting back the nuclear program and returning to the negotiating table. The war with Iran gave Netanyahu a new lease of life. A man who had barely talked to the Israeli media or mixed with people in public, especially since Oct. 7, suddenly could not stop himself from doing both, including visiting sites that were hit by Iranian missiles. But 21 months after the massacre, incapable and unwilling to take responsibility, he still has not visited the communities that were destroyed there. Yet the destruction caused by Iran gave him much-needed justification to continue the war before Trump put a stop to the conflict, and the photo-ops were exactly what he needed considering his high level of disapproval among voters. After this brief bout of fighting, Netanyahu's Likud party is doing slightly better in the polls, which might tempt him to call a snap election, but in the meantime, he will have to convince Israel's voters that the outcome of this war justified the unprecedented terrifying 12 days that they endured. Can he, together with Trump, also translate military achievements into a diplomatic success, one that ensures both that future uranium enrichment is limited to what is needed for civil use, and that Tehran ceases its meddling in the affairs of other countries? This remains an open question, but the next task for Israel's prime minister is to explain to the electorate why the war in Gaza is still raging and 50 hostages are still in captivity.