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Virginia GOP lieutenant governor candidate launches a Substack

Virginia GOP lieutenant governor candidate launches a Substack

The Hill2 days ago
Republican Virginia lieutenant governor candidate John Reid launched a Substack on Tuesday in an effort to engage directly with supporters.
The Hill was the first outlet to report on the Republican's Substack, which is called The Reid Revolution and will publish on a weekly basis.
Reid is one of the first Republican candidates to launch a Substack. The launch comes as other politicians, including a number of potential presidential candidates, have explored new forms of media like podcasts to reach voters.
In his first post on the platform, which went up early Tuesday morning, Reid noted that his Substack is not a campaign newsletter.
'It's a direct line from me to you that is unfiltered by media spin, untethered from political talking points, and free from the gatekeepers who've told candidates like me to stay in our lane, water it down, or wait our turn,' Reid wrote. 'I'm not interested in playing by their rules.'
In a second post obtained by The Hill, which is slated to be published on Reid's Substack later on Tuesday, Reid compares his policies to his opponent state Sen. Ghazala Hashmi (D) and Democratic gubernatorial nominee Abigail Spanberger.
'Ghazala Hashmi and Abigail Spanberger support a vision where the government always knows best. I don't. I trust families,' Reid writes. 'This campaign isn't just about childcare or safety or schools. It's about freedom. It's about who makes the decisions: you, or them.'
The Republican candidate previously hosted a talk show on WRVA for eight years.
Reid found himself in the center of a political firestorm in April after Gov. Glenn Youngkin (R ) called for Reid, who is openly gay, to suspend his campaign after a report that Republican researchers came across sexually explicit photos on Tumblr posted by an account with the same username Reid uses on other sites. Reid has adamantly denied the allegations and went as far as to accuse Youngkin's team of extortion. Reid, who is openly gay, has also said the reason he is being targeted is because of his sexuality.
A lawyer representing Reid sent a cease and desist letter to Matt Moran, then the executive director of Youngkin's Spirit of Virginia PAC, who later stepped down from his post.
Virginia Republicans were quick to come to Reid's defense in the face of the controversy, calling Youngkin's move 'an unforced error' and laying blame on the Spirit of Virginia PAC.
Last month, Youngkin acknowledged Reid as the party's lieutenant gubernatorial nominee, telling reporters, 'He has clearly made up his mind that he's going to stay in.'
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Inside the House GOP rebellion over Epstein
Inside the House GOP rebellion over Epstein

Politico

time22 minutes ago

  • Politico

Inside the House GOP rebellion over Epstein

One option, of which Johnson appeared to be most supportive, was to forgo moving legislation through the Rules Committee for the rest of the week – effectively a legislative surrender but it would give the White House time over August recess to work on releasing Epstein-related information. Another route was to vote on a rule that included some of the Epstein language from the GOP-authored, non-binding resolution from the previous week, which would call for the release of a limited scope of Epstein documents. But GOP leaders believed that would likely fail on the chamber floor. Then there was the alternative that some House Republicans bristled at the most: to forge ahead in the Rules Committee and to vote 'no' on Democratic-led Epstein amendments. But that also wouldn't have satisfied Republicans who wanted leaders to come up with a palatable alternative to support like the non-binding resolution. 'The rule was going down anyway,' said another person with knowledge of the matter. 'So the choice was clear.' So Republicans picked door No. 1, a choice that has opened Johnson up to mockery on the Democratic side of the aisle and incredulity inside his conference. 'People want the information. They don't want things covered up,' GOP Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, one of Trump's biggest cheerleaders in the House, told reporters this week. Majority Leader Steve Scalise in an interview Wednesday played off the crisis, saying that the fallout wasn't a 'rebellion' but rather Democrats trying to 'turn the Rules Committee into a circus' and Republicans 'weren't going to let that happen.' But Senior House Republicans have also been irritated that the White House hadn't offered much in terms of backup, according to two other Republicans with knowledge of the conversations. When there is a problem in the House GOP conference, leaders often call in Trump to mediate. Trump did speak to Rules Committee Republicans — who were at the center of the protest over Epstein this week — in the Oval Office Tuesday night, according to three people with direct knowledge of the meeting. Foxx, the Rules chair, said the meeting was to thank panel Republicans for their work to pass Trump's megabill ahead of a White House celebration around the legislative achievement. But Rules Committee Rep. Ralph Norman — who this week accused House GOP leaders this week of 'stalling' on Epstein matters — said he believes Trump now 'is gonna release everything.' 'We were with him last night,' Norman added. Reps. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) and Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) have been pushing for a vote on a binding Epstein file-release measure that could have the support to pass the house in September, when the bipartisan duo will be able to use procedural maneuvers to force the issue. GOP leaders privately argue their best chance to defeat it is for the administration to make progress in August – an outcome Norman and others are rooting for, too. In the meantime, the firestorm doesn't appear to be dying down, especially following a Wall Street Journal report that the Justice Department informed Trump in May his name was in documents related to the Epstein case. 'That is our best, and only, option now,' one senior House Republican said. 'Otherwise, we'll be right back here in September.' Nicholas Wu and Mia McCarthy contributed to this report.

Thune dishes on his midterm strategy
Thune dishes on his midterm strategy

Politico

time29 minutes ago

  • Politico

Thune dishes on his midterm strategy

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Thune has three states so far where GOP senators are retiring: Alabama, Kentucky and North Carolina. Each is likely to have a competitive primary that pits factions of the party against each other. In North Carolina, Thune has spoken with Lara Trump about the seat being vacated by Sen. Thom Tillis. Thune said the president's daughter-in-law 'would be great' before dropping the caveat, 'if she were to decide to do it.' Thune hinted we could hear more soon. Four GOP senators granted anonymity to speak candidly told Jordain they don't expect her to jump in. Thune's potential primary problems aren't limited to seats where Republicans are retiring. They're facing a likely jam-packed primary field in Georgia, where Gov. Brian Kemp passed on challenging Democratic Sen. Jon Ossoff, whose own party is bullish about keeping his seat. Thune said he believes the state is a 'real pick-up opportunity' but that Republicans 'need a good candidate.' Thune also has work to do in Iowa, with some of his members concerned that Sen. Joni Ernst might retire. Thune believes she'll run, and in the meantime has 'encouraged her to, and told her we'll do everything we can to help her' if she does. Then there's Texas. Thune said it 'remains to be seen' if Trump will get behind Sen. John Cornyn, who is facing off against MAGA favorite Ken Paxton. Thune said Trump 'wants to see how the race plays out.' The majority leader said he believes Cornyn would be 'by far the best general election candidate.' Asked about Paxton's recently-announced divorce – with his wife citing 'biblical' reasons for the breakup – Thune said voters will realize 'there's a real contrast between these candidates, both in terms of experience and accomplishment, but also I think that those character issues are always a factor.' That's not all Thune told us. 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Gabbard's claims of an anti-Trump conspiracy are not supported by declassified documents

time2 hours ago

Gabbard's claims of an anti-Trump conspiracy are not supported by declassified documents

WASHINGTON -- Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard this month declassified material that she claimed proved a 'treasonous conspiracy' by the Obama administration in 2016 to politicize U.S. intelligence in service of casting doubt on the legitimacy of Donald Trump's election victory. As evidence, Gabbard cited newly declassified emails from Obama officials and a five-year-old classified House report in hopes of undermining the intelligence community's conclusion that Russian President Vladimir Putin wanted to boost Trump and denigrate his Democratic opponent Hillary Clinton. Russia's activities during the 2016 election remain some of the most examined events in recent history. The Kremlin's campaign and the subsequent U.S. government response were the subject of at least five major investigations by the Republican-led House and Senate intelligence committee; two Justice Department special counsels; and the department's inspector general. Those investigations either concluded — or accepted the conclusion — that Russia embarked on a campaign to interfere in the election through the use of social media and hacked material. The House-led probe, conducted by Trump allies, also concurred that Russia ran an election interference campaign but said the purpose was to sow chaos in the U.S. rather than boost Trump. Several of the reports criticize the actions of Obama administration officials, particularly at the FBI, but do not dispute the fundamental findings that Moscow sought to interfere in the election. The Associated Press has reviewed those reports to evaluate how Gabbard's claims stack up: CLAIM: 'The intelligence community had one assessment: that Russia did not have the intent and capability to try to impact the outcome of the U.S. election leading up to Election Day. The same assessment was made after the election.' — Gabbard to Fox News on Tuesday. The documents Gabbard released do not support her claim. She cites a handful of emails from 2016 in which officials conclude that Russia had no intention of manipulating the U.S. vote count through cyberattacks on voting systems. President Barack Obama's administration never alleged that voting infrastructure was tampered with. Rather, the administration said Russia ran a covert influence campaign using hacked and stolen material from prominent Democrats. Russian operatives then used that information as part of state-funded media and social media operations to inflame U.S. public opinion. More than two dozen Russians were indicted in 2018 in connection with those efforts. Republican-led investigations in Congress have affirmed that conclusion, and the emails that Gabbard released do not contradict that finding. CLAIM: 'There was a shift, a 180-degree shift, from the intelligence community's assessment leading up to the election to the one that President Obama directed be produced after Donald Trump won the election that completely contradicted those assessments that had come previously.' — Gabbard to Fox News on Tuesday. There was no shift. The emails Gabbard released show that a Department of Homeland Security official in August 2016 told then-Director of National Intelligence James Clapper there was 'no indication of a Russian threat to directly manipulate the actual vote count.' The public assessment the Obama administration made public in January 2017 reached the same conclusion: 'DHS assesses that the types of systems Russian actors targeted or compromised were not involved in vote tallying." CLAIM: The Obama administration "manufactured the January 2017 Intelligence Community Assessment that they knew was false promoting the LIE that Vladimir Putin and the Russian government helped President Trump win the 2016 election.' — Gabbard on Truth Social Wednesday. The material declassified this week reveals some dissent within the intelligence community about whether Putin wanted to help Trump or simply inflame the U.S. public. That same question led to a partisan divide on the House Intelligence panel when it examined the matter several years later. Gabbard's memo released last week cites a 'whistleblower' who she says served in the intelligence community at the time and who is quoted as saying that he could not 'concur in good conscience' with the intelligence community's judgment that Russia had a 'decisive preference' for Trump. Such dissent and debate are not unusual in the drafting of intelligence reports. The Republican-led Senate Intelligence Committee examined whether there was any political interference in the Obama administration's conclusions and reported that 'all analysts expressed that they were free to debate, object to content, and assess confidence levels, as is normal and proper.' In 2018, Putin directly addressed the question of whether he preferred Trump at a press conference in Helsinki even as he sidestepped a question about whether he directed any of his subordinates to help Trump. 'Yes, I did,' Putin said. 'Because he talked about bringing the U.S.-Russia relationship back to normal.' CLAIM: 'They used already discredited information like the Steele dossier — they knew it was discredited at the time.' — Gabbard to Fox News on Tuesday. The dossier refers to a collection of opposition research files compiled by a former British spy, Christopher Steele, whose work was funded by Democrats during the 2016 election. Those files included uncorroborated tips and salacious gossip about Trump's ties to Russia, but the importance to the Russia investigation has sometimes been overstated. It was not the basis for the FBI's decision to open an investigation in July 2016 into potential coordination between the Trump campaign and Russia, the Justice Department's inspector general found. Some of the records released by Gabbard this week also reveal that it was a Central Intelligence Agency human source close to the Kremlin that the agency primarily relied on for its conclusion that Putin wanted to help Trump and hurt Clinton, not the Steele dossier. FBI agents on the case didn't even come to possess the dossier until weeks into their inquiry. Even so, Trump supporters have seized on the unverified innuendo in the document to undercut the broader Russia investigation. Many of Steele's claims have since been discredited or denied. It is true, however, that the FBI and Justice Department relied in part on the Steele dossier to obtain surveillance warrants to eavesdrop on the communications of a former Trump campaign adviser, the inspector general found. FBI agents continued to pursue those warrants even after questions arose about the credibility of Steele's reporting. The dossier was also summarized — over the objections of then-CIA Director John Brennan, he has said — in a two-page annex to the classified version of the intelligence community assessment.

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