UK prosecutors say rocks, eggs thrown at police during asylum hotel protests
More than 100 protesters — some wearing British flags and releasing red, white and blue smoke — gathered at the Bell Hotel, in Epping Forest, on Sunday as demonstrators gathered to vent their anger after a man was arrested in the area on suspicion of sexual assault.
Chanting 'save our kids" and 'send them home," the demonstration escalated, with projectiles thrown at police vans blocking the entrance. Officers escorted a counter-protester from the area after demonstrators surrounded her.
A similar protest took place last Thursday.
'Disappointingly, we have seen yet another protest, which begun peacefully, escalate into mindless thuggery with individuals again hurting one of our officers and damaging a police vehicle," Chief Superintendent Simon Anslow of the Essex Police said in a statement on Monday. 'For anyone who thinks we will tolerate their thuggery, think again." The protests come amid escalating tensions over the rising number of asylum seekers who are being housed at government expense in hotels around the UK. Those pressures flared into days of rioting last month in Northern Ireland after two teenagers were arrested on charges of sexual assault.
The attacker was a 17-year-old who was born in the UK to parents from Rwanda and was not an asylum seeker, as had been rumoured.
Prime Minister Keir Starmer's government has acknowledged concerns about immigration and made tackling irregular migration a priority.
As Parliament debated the unrest in Epping Forest on Monday, Diana Johnson, the policing minister, said there was no justification for the violence.
'Violent disorder is not a symptom, violent disorder is criminal," she said. 'It's thuggery, it's attacks on our police officers. It should be prosecuted, and people should face the full consequences of the law." Prior to Sunday's protests, local police had issued an order allowing them to force demonstrators to remove face coverings. They later ordered demonstrators to leave the area around the hotel. That dispersal order remained in effect until 4 am Monday.
The demonstration came after eight police officers were injured on Thursday after a peaceful protest escalated into violence. Police blamed the violence on people from outside the community who 'arrived at the scene intent on causing trouble." At least nine people have been arrested in connection with the demonstrations, including the 33-year-old man who appeared at Southend Magistrate's Court on Monday. He faces one charge of violent disorder and one charge of criminal damage related to the the unrest that broke out on Thursday. He was released on bail and is scheduled to return to court on August 18.
Officers faced 'sustained attacks for over four hours" on Thursday, prosecutors said.
The protests outside the hotel were triggered by the arrest of a 38-year-old asylum seeker who was charged with sexual assault after he allegedly attempted to kiss a 14-year-old girl. The man, who denies the charges, was remanded into custody following a court appearance on July 10.
'We don't take sides, we arrest criminals and we have a duty to ensure no-one is hurt — plain and simple,"Anslow said. 'I know the people of Essex know what we're about, so I know they won't believe the rubbish circulating online that is designed to do nothing more than inflame tensions and trouble." Epping Forest District Council, which provides local government services in the area, condemned the violence but said it had long opposed the central government's decision to use the Bell Hotel to house asylum seekers.
'We have consistently shared concerns with the Home Office that the Bell Hotel is an entirely unsuitable location for this facility and should close," the council's leader, Chris Whitbread, said in a statement last week. 'We continue to press Home Office officials for the immediate closure of the site and are encouraged that our local MPs are now actively supporting our call." (AP) GRS GRS
view comments
First Published:
July 21, 2025, 23:45 IST
Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
India Today
14 minutes ago
- India Today
Why revenue officials still police parts of Uttarakhand
(NOTE: This article was originally published in the India Today issue dated July 28, 2025)A narrow, slippery trail climbs steeply for 100 metres before you reach the remote chowki in Jakhnikhal tehsil of Pauri Garhwal district. The outpost is a rundown two-storeyed structure, its central hall serving as a shared office for several patwaris—revenue sub-inspectors tasked with policing dozens of villages between them. A rusted lockup now holds old documents and body bags; a toilet has become a records room. A few cracked chairs flank a bench; faded maps hang loose on the walls. Roshni Sharma, 27, has been posted here just a few months. 'We handle land records and police work, both,' says the young patwari, who has seven villages under her jurisdiction. 'It becomes hard to do either properly.'advertisementFor nearly two centuries, policing in Uttarakhand's hilly interior is carried out not by trained officers, but by revenue officials like Roshni—patwaris, kanungos, lekhpals—whose primary job was to maintain land records, collect taxes, compile census data and issue certificates. This Revenue Police (RP) system, introduced by the British in the early 19th century, still serves nearly half the state's area and about 25 per cent of its population. RP officials can file FIRs, investigate crimes, arrest suspects and submit chargesheets in court, but only up to a point. Cases of serious crime are transferred to the regular police, triggering a slow bureaucratic relay: from patwari to district magistrate (DM) to superintendent of police (SP) to the police station concerned. Evidence is often lost in the lag. After years of delay and resistance, the system is now under pressure. In May 2024, the Uttarakhand High Court (HC) gave the state one year to implement a 2018 judgment that had ordered the abolition of the RP system. But with 4,421 villages still under the jurisdiction of 478 RP chowkis, a civil contempt petition was filed recently, citing non-compliance. The court has asked the government to file a response. The state government, meanwhile, claims progress. According to official data, since 2023, 1,357 revenue villages have been brought under regular police with the setting up of six new stations and 20 outposts. Additionally, the jurisdiction of 52 existing police stations and 19 outposts has been expanded to encompass 1,800 more villages. But a lot of work remains. 'In the current day and age, we need police coverage in all areas because their work is not just limited to crime control and law and order,' admits Abhinav Kumar, a former acting director-general of police (DGP) of Uttarakhand, who is now posted as additional director-general (ADG), prisons. 'At present, almost a fourth of the state's population remains uncovered by the regular police. This is an anomaly that must be corrected.'A COLONIAL RELICThe RP system began after the British annexed Kumaon and eastern Garhwal (present-day Pauri Garhwal) from the Gurkhas in 1816. Finding little crime in the rugged hills, they chose not to deploy regular police outside towns like Almora and Nainital, instead giving police powers to revenue officials. After the 1857 revolt, while modern policing spread elsewhere, the British retained the RP model in hill areas under the Scheduled Districts Act of 1874. Also tried in parts of present-day Himachal Pradesh, Assam and some tribal regions, it was phased out there decades ago. Uttarakhand was carved out of Uttar Pradesh in 2000, and its own Police Act came in 2007—but in many districts, the colonial system stayed in days, however, crime in the hills is no longer rare or simple. The rise of tourism, road networks connecting remote villages, the proliferation of mobile phones and porous borders have brought in organised crime, drug trafficking and cybercrime. 'Tourism brings new challenges,' says a retired IPS officer who served in both UP and Uttarakhand. 'When outsiders are involved, coordination is nearly impossible for the revenue police. Getting forensic help is also hard.'In RP areas, the patwari—who may be as young as Roshni—is the top investigating officer, regardless of the nature of the crime. There is no supervisory chain of command like in regular police stations, where cases are overseen by sub-inspectors, inspectors and deputy SPs. Training is minimal; one patwari admitted they had barely been briefed on the new Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, which replaced the colonial-era Indian Penal Code (IPC) last lack of training can have serious repercussions. The 2018 HC judgment stemmed from a 2011 dowry death case in Tehri Garhwal, which exposed delays and inefficiencies in the RP system. However, the state challenged the verdict in the Supreme Court. In 2022, the system's limitations were starkly highlighted again when 19-year-old Ankita Bhandari went missing from a resort in Rishikesh, where she worked. Her disappearance was reported to the local patwari, but no FIR was registered. The case was transferred to the regular police days later, by which time crucial evidence had employer, Pulkit Arya—the son of a former BJP leader—was later arrested for her murder (and recently sentenced to life imprisonment). The patwari in charge, Vaibhav Pratap, was suspended and arrested for negligence. The case triggered a political storm, with Uttarakhand assembly speaker Ritu Khanduri writing to Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami urging abolition of the colonial-era system. Soon after, the cabinet approved a proposal to phase out the RP. But, in many areas, nothing has Jhaid village in Pauri Garhwal district, for instance, residents recall an incident just weeks ago when an elderly man slipped into a gorge. With no road, and no regular police, it took locals and the patwari nearly eight hours to retrieve the body. 'It has been nearly 78 years since Independence, and still we have no proper police,' says Yogesh Maithani, a local. 'Many incidents go know the lone patwari has no resources.'advertisement CAUGHT BETWEEN ROLESFor patwaris, the job is a daily balancing act between civil and policing duties. 'We do the same work as a sub-inspector or inspector, but also handle land records, government schemes—and do it without vehicles, weapons or staff,' says Atul Balodhi, president of the Pauri District Patwari Sangh. 'Even our safety is at risk.'In disaster-prone hill regions, the patwari is also the first responder during landslides, floods and road accidents. So far, Roshni has dealt with two criminal cases—a missing girl and a village brawl. But as the area's de facto cop, more calls are sure to come. 'The worst is accidental deaths. We're expected to shift the body, arrange the postmortem, coordinate with the family—all without any support,' she says. 'We end up begging locals for help.' She now leans on two fellow women patwaris from her training batch—Monika, who covers seven villages, and Sheetal Negi, who manages 14. 'That's why we share the chowki,' she says. 'So we can help each other.'advertisementDespite multiple court orders and official commitments, progress on dismantling the RP system remains halting—partly due to political and administrative resistance. A senior IPS officer tells india today that the inertia stems from multiple quarters: 'Politicians are wary of disturbing a status quo that gives them informal leverage. The civil bureaucracy, especially at the district level, has the most to lose in terms of authority.' Even some locals are nostalgic about the patwari as a familiar authority IG (law & order) and police spokesperson Nilesh Anand Bharne is emphatic that reforms are under way. 'We are committed to improving policing and public services across the state, and replacing revenue police wherever needed. We have already brought large areas and population under regular police,' he with vast swathes of Uttarakhand still being policed by revenue officials, Balodhi complains that they are left to operate with outdated tools and little institutional support. 'The world has moved on. But we haven't,' he says. 'We don't have digital records, we're not connected to a centralised crime tracking network, everything is still on paper.' Unless the transition to regular policing is accelerated and implemented in both letter and spirit, accountability, justice and public safety in the hills will remain patchy—and patwaris like Roshni will be left to shoulder impossible burdens.—By Avaneesh Mishra in Dehradun and Pauri GarhwalSubscribe to India Today Magazine- Ends
India Today
16 minutes ago
- India Today
Before the tricolour, there were symbols: A timeline of India's historical identity
The tricolour in the hands of school children is one of the most common sights on the streets during August 15 and January 26. The tricolour, which is now India's pride, was not always the same -- it took years to come into 1947, as different factions were fighting for India's independence, it gave them the chance to design various versions of a flag that could be used against British rule. This journey began in have you ever wondered what India's great kings like Ashoka, Chandragupta Maurya, Harshavardhan, or rulers from the Gupta Empire, used as a flag? Back then, the boundaries were not like they are today, and maps looked very different from our present-day context. Flags still existed, but in a different form. They represented empires, dynasties, and authority, and in many ways, symbolised rule over the land we now call India. Over centuries, the land has been referred to as Bharata, Aryavarta, or, in later periods, we explore how the flags/symbols of several empires came to represent this land across different centuries.A flag, in any nation, is a symbol that unites citizens under one visible expression of pride and identity. Historians say that a flag is something that reminds us of who we are and where we belong. Reconstruction of Mauryan Flag as mentioned by Chanakya (Image: Wikimedia Commons) Sadan Jha, in his book, Reverence, Resistance and Politics of Seeing the Indian National Flag writes: "History reveals that the flag does not merely act as an entry point in unearthing meanings of political and cultural practices, but also becomes a site where claims of nationhood and citizenship are made, resisted, and negotiated."FLAGS BEFORE THE TRICOLOURBefore the modern idea of a nation-state, flags in India were markers of dynasties and empires. These were the symbols of political authority, military identity, and spiritual the Mauryan Empire, the most recognisable symbol was the Ashoka Chakra, seen on pillars and coins. While no fixed rectangular flag survives from that era, the chakra, as a symbol, was used to project state Ashoka turned to Buddhism, the dharma chakra spread across his empire as an emblem of moral and administrative Guptas, who presided over a classical age of learning and administration, used garuda-like symbols on their coinage and and sculptures suggest flags were flown from military chariots and city were less about nationhood and more about dynasty and in the early medieval period, the Chalukyas and Palas used flags as insignia during war and the rise of the Rajputs and the Chauhans, flags began to represent valour and clan flags were often painted with family symbols, animals, or war Rajput banner was held high during battles against both invaders and rival kingdoms. It represented honour, not UNDER SULTANATES AND MUGHALSWhen the Delhi Sultanate rose to power, flags began to follow Islamic heraldry, solid colours, crescents, calligraphic Mughals, as successors, brought a more imperial approach. Their banners were recorded in chronicles like the Mughal standard often featured a green backdrop with symbols of the lion and sun, combining Islamic symbolism with a claim to universal Mughal empire, at its peak, unified much of India, and its standard came to be seen as the umbrella under which India functioned, if not fully united. Flag of Mughal empire (Image: Wikimedia Commons) However, these flags still signified dynasties rather than collective identity. There was no 'Indian' flag, only the flags of rulers who governed Indian MARATHAS AND REGIONAL POWERSWith the decline of the Mughals, the Marathas emerged as challengers to imperial rajmudra, his royal seal, was a statement of Swarajya, self-rule. His forces carried saffron flags, a colour later to be found in India's national flag. Swarajya Flag (AI-generated image) The Marathas, though decentralised, expanded across the subcontinent, and their flags began to symbolise a Hindu resurgence against foreign domination. Still, the idea of one India under one flag remained regional powers, the Sikhs, the Mysore rulers under Tipu Sultan, and even the Nizams, had their own flags, often reflecting spiritual motifs or military insignia. By the 18th century, India was a land of many flags but no national COLONIAL FLAG DURING THE BRITISH RAJAfter 1857, the British Crown established direct rule. The Union Jack dominated the colonial flag, with a royal emblem, the Star of India, marking imperial princely states retained local flags, the British sought to project a singular imperial image. But this created a was still no Indian flag to rally around, and as the nationalist movement grew, so did the need for a common RISE OF NATIONAL FLAG OF INDIAIn 1904, Sister Nivedita designed a red and yellow flag with 'Bande Mataram' inscribed on 1906, the 'Calcutta Flag', featuring lotus symbols and 'Vande Mataram' written in Devanagari, was unfurled. With horizontal stripes of orange, yellow and green, this flag came to be known as the 'Calcutta flag' or the 'Lotus flag', as it had eight half-opened lotuses on the orange strip. In 1907, Bhikaji Cama raised a different tricolour in Stuttgart. These were experimental attempts, each reflecting fragments of Indian 1916 and 1921, Pingali Venkayya submitted designs combining religious colours and symbols. Gandhi recommended the spinning wheel as a sign of economic his tricolour, red, green, and white, was later adjusted to saffron, white, and green, to remove religious Congress adopted this new tricolour in 1931, with the charkha at its unofficial, this flag became the face of protests, satyagrahas, and mass movements. When Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose hoisted the flag in Port Blair in 1943, it was no longer symbolic. It was a declaration. Netaji hoisted this flag in Port Blair FROM CHARKHA TO CHAKRAWith Independence in sight, the Constituent Assembly formed a committee to finalise the national flag. The design kept the tricolour but replaced the charkha with the Ashoka Chakra, an ancient, non-sectarian symbol of law and flag was adopted on July 22, 1947. (Image: Wikimedia Commons) This shift was more than aesthetic. The Chakra made a historical connection back to Ashoka and the idea of moral rule, a return to symbols that had once tried to bind the land through ethics, not just flag now is regulated by the Flag Code of India. Its usage has expanded over the years. From schools to stadiums, from courtrooms to battlefields, the Tiranga is seen and its meaning is still made by the people who carry it. Every era has redefined journey of India's flag, from the chakra of Ashoka to the saffron of the Marathas, from the crescent of the Mughals to the charkha of Gandhi, is a history of attempts to say: this is who we Arundhati Virmani's A National Flag for India, she observes: 'A national flag acquires meaning only when it is invested with emotions and memory by the people. Without this, it is just cloth.' Empires rose and fell, but each left behind a thread in the fabric we now call the flag is not just three colours. It is a long conversation across time, geography, and struggle, now stitched into a single still asks the question: who are we? And it still answers: we are many, but we are one.- EndsMust Watch
Hindustan Times
17 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
Hunter Biden blasted as ‘delusional' for profanity-filled rant against Trump deportations, ‘He really lives in a bubble'
Hunter Biden ripped Donald Trump as a 'f—ing dictator thug' for his move to deport violent illegal immigrants to an El Salvadorian prison complex. During a lengthy interview with Andrew Callaghan, Hunter even mused about invading the Latin American country if he were in office. Hunter Biden blasted as 'delusional' for profanity-filled rant against Trump deportations (AP Photo/Eric Thayer, File)(AP) 'I would pick up the phone and call the president in El Salvador and say, you either f—ing send them back or I'm going to f—ing invade,' Hunter said. 'It's a f—ing crime what they're doing.' Hunter went on to slam Democrats for appeasing what he referred to as the 'f—ing Trumpian sense' of white voters. He also ripped Americans who made illegal immigration a major issue during the presidential election in 2024. 'People are really upset about illegal immigration? F— you. How do you think your hotel room gets cleaned? How do you think you have food on your f—ing table? Who do you think washes your dishes?' Hunter raged. 'Who do you think is here by the f—ing shear f—ing just grit and will that they figured out a way to get here because they thought that they could give themselves and their families a better chance and [Trump's] somehow convinced all of us that these people are the f—ing criminals,' he added. 'How do you think that we are reborn?' During his term as the US President, Joe Biden had significantly eased up on illegal immigration, leading to a huge border crisis. Polls showed that this issue negatively affected Biden and his party, according to the New York Post. However, Hunter raged against those calling for Democrats to moderate. 'White men in America are 45 more times likely to commit a f—ing violent crime than an immigrant,' Hunter said. 'And the media says, you got David Axelrod and Rahm f—ing Emanuel — so f—ing smart Rahm Emanuel … that we got to understand that these people are really mad and we got to appeal to these white voters.' Hunter also said that his father was the only person who appealed to 'those f—ing white voters,' not because the former president did not appease 'their f—ing Trumpian sense, but because he challenged it.' 'How do you think that we are reborn? How do you think that we think that we attract the smartest people in the world to the United States of America? Through immigration,' he added, contrasting the US with China and Russia. 'Spoken like a true elitist' Hunter has been criticised for his profanity-filled rant by social media users. 'Why isnt Hunter Biden in prison yet?' one user commented on the above video. Another user wrote, 'Spoken like a man who lives out of hotel rooms, doesn't cook or provide for himself (or anyone else) or wash his dishes. Which I guess is the target audience and ultimate goal for Democrats.' 'Why is Hunter suddenly the spokesman for the service industry? Last I checked, his expertise was in "art" sales and foreign board seats, not dishwashing. Sounds like deflection,' one user wrote, while another said, 'I didn't realize you had to be an illegal to be an employee. Is he on drugs? Oh wait….' 'Literally never had anyone do any of that stuff for me. He really lives in a bubble,' one user wrote, while another said, 'Spoken like a true elitist. The average American never rents a hotel room, makes their own food and washes their own dishes.' 'Hunter Biden's entitlement is off the charts! The fact he thinks migrants are here to serve him is pathetic and delusional. Most of us actually cook our own food, clean our own homes, wash our own dishes, and even plant our own gardens. Reality check needed,' wrote a user. Another said, 'It's very telling that certain people perceive illegal immigrants as nothing above a servant — as if that's their only value or purpose.'
