Tel Aviv rally calls for war's end, as hunger reigns in Gaza and ceasefire talks collapse anew
TEL AVIV — Standing inside a mass protest in Habima Square to demand an end to the war in Gaza, Roy Rieck said the atmosphere felt more charged than at previous demonstrations. The difference, he said, is that it's not just the plight of the 50 remaining Israeli hostages weighing on those who turned out.
'There was more of a feeling that people want to stop the war not only to bring back the hostages, but also from the understanding that the war has gone too far — that the cost to soldiers is too high, and that the suffering in Gaza has become unbearable,' he said.
The rally Thursday night came as images of starving children and accounts of unrelenting hunger poured out of Gaza, where Israel has been fighting for more than 21 months, breaking through the discourse even among those inclined to support the war. But an even more urgent development took center stage.
The rally, organized by a coalition of bereaved families, relatives of hostages, and parents of combat soldiers, came hours after US envoy Steve Witkoff blamed Hamas for torpedoing the ceasefire and hostage negotiations in Doha, resulting in the return of Israeli and US delegations from the Qatari capital. Israeli sources reported that Hamas had introduced a new demand for the release of some members who participated in the Oct. 7, 2023, attack.
The apparent collapse of talks dashed hopes, stoked in recent days, that a deal to release at least some of the remaining hostages — of whom 20 are thought to be alive — was near.
How did it go?
The rally opened with a moment of silence for fallen soldiers, followed by a prayer for the safety of the troops and the return of the hostages.
Speakers included Effie Shoham, whose son Yuval was killed fighting in Gaza and who alluded to the crisis in Gaza.
'These days we face tough choices between choosing life and good, or war, hunger, death, and evil. We must choose life,' an emotional Shoham told the crowd. 'I call on the Israeli government, on behalf of the people of Israel gathered here today, to stop the war.'
Noam Tibon, a retired major general who personally rescued family members from Hamas attackers on Oct. 7, 2023, said the war no longer had a 'viable security aim.'
'It's become a political war, managed by a failed government that sent our children to die while passing a shameful draft-dodging law,' he said, referring to a proposed bill granting expanded military exemptions to haredi Orthodox yeshiva students.
The IDF is 'sinking deeper into the bleeding swamp of Gaza,' Tibon said.
Viki Cohen, whose son Nimrod is being held hostage in Gaza, said her son chose to serve in a tank unit out of 'Zionism and love of the land,' but now 'the country he loves so much is not defending him.'
She accused the government of pushing for partial hostage deals that could leave her son behind.
Raphi Ben-Shitrit, whose son Elroi was killed on Oct. 7, told the crowd that prolonging the war threatened 'the future of the Zionist enterprise.' Ending the war, he said, was not a sign of weakness but a reflection of 'the sanctity of life, the heroism of the Jewish spirit, and the strength of the Israeli spirit.'
A group of leftwing protesters held signs accusing Israel of genocide in Gaza and calling on soldiers to refuse service. Not far from them, others held banners identifying with 'dignified Religious Zionism.'
'There is a growing sense that every day soldiers are dying for no good apparent reason,' said Yehuda Mirsky, an American-Israeli who had made the trip from Jerusalem, where he is a religious activist and scholar of Jewish thought.
He added that while early reports of famine in Gaza were once considered 'disputable,' it now seemed clear Israel had taken on roles in Gaza it couldn't sustain. Like Tibon, Mirsky cited the ultra-Orthodox draft exemptions as proof that Netanyahu was prolonging the war for political gain.
But as much as Rieck was heartened by the protest's size, he lamented that the protest fell short of past mass movements. It lacked the sustained momentum of the 2023 judicial overhaul demonstrations, he said, when hundreds of thousands filled the streets week after week, and nor did it approach the scale of the 1980s antiwar rallies, when more than 400,000 Israelis gathered in Tel Aviv after the Sabra and Shatila massacres during the Lebanon War.
'We're not yet seeing a critical mass,' Rieck said. 'And look around you here in Tel Aviv — everywhere else, people are carrying on as usual.'

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is a senior correspondent at Vox, where he covers ideology and challenges to democracy, both at home and abroad. His book on democracy,, was published 0n July 16. You can purchase it here. Palestinians, including children gather with cooking pots to receive hot meals distributed by a charitable organization in the Al-Ansar area of western Gaza City on August 1, 2025. The food distribution comes amid severe hunger and humanitarian crisis caused by ongoing Israeli attacks. Anadolu via Getty Images Israel's restrictions on humanitarian aid in Gaza are, first and foremost, a moral atrocity. Israeli policies since March, most notably the initial shutdown on aid entering the Strip, were very obviously going to cause a hunger crisis down the line. There can be no defense for intentionally starving children. But strikingly, the policy has also become a strategic failure for Israel. Its aid limitations, intended to starve out Hamas, have actually strengthened the group's position and handed it new leverage in ceasefire negotiations. International outrage over the past week has prompted important Israeli partners — France, the UK, and Canada — to announce support for recognizing a Palestinian state. Perhaps most importantly, the suffering in Gaza has done severe damage to Israel's alliance with the United States, alienating masses of Democrats and even some MAGA Republicans. This is not only my opinion. It is a point of emerging consensus of well-informed analysts across the political spectrum, who see the recent international uproar over starvation in Gaza as a catastrophe for Jerusalem. 'Israel may have massive military superiority in Gaza but as of this week, it has lost the war,' writes Michael Stephens, a Middle East expert at the UK's RUSI think tank. If the policy is such an obvious disaster, both morally evil and strategically disastrous, then why did Israel do it all? In some sense, this is the question of the entire war, which Israeli generals concluded over a year ago was no longer improving the country's security. The answer, in both cases, is the same: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu depends on Israel's extreme right to stay in office, and they support ever-more-brutal war policies to further their project of Israel reconquering and resettling the Gaza Strip. Netanyahu has, in short, deliberately caused mass suffering and inflicted a strategic disaster on the country he leads — all for the purpose of appeasing a handful of fanatics who hold his future in their hands. 'All the gains on the battlefield jeopardized' Even before October, Gaza was in poor economic straits — thanks both to Israeli restrictions and Hamas's own poor governance. But the war has destroyed even the limited capacities Gazans had to sustain themselves. Roughly 95 percent of farmland is no longer operational; fishing, a vital activity in the coastal enclave, is now 'virtually impossible' at scale, per a UN report. So today, Gazans either receive aid or face starvation — a reality that was already obvious back when Israel announced its aid cutoff back in March. At the time, a statement from the prime minister's office described the policy as punishment for Hamas' refusal to release Israeli hostages during ongoing ceasefire negotiations. This turned into a full-on effort to starve Hamas out. First, Israel cut off aid entirely from early March through May, blocking assistance from entering at border crossings. It then partnered with the US to support a new entity called the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation — a parallel aid distribution mechanism alongside traditional UN efforts designed to ensure that Hamas was not, as Israel claimed, stealing supplies. This highly militarized effort did not provide sufficient aid and also led to Israeli soldiers regularly opening fire on crowds of desperate Palestinians trying to get some of the limited supplies. There was, at no point during any of this, even the slightest bit of evidence that the aid cutoff was weakening Hamas's resolve to fight — no wavering in its negotiating stances or signs of mass defection from its fighters. The people who suffered were not primarily Hamas, but Gazan civilians (and the remaining Israeli hostages). The Gaza hunger crisis, building for months, came to a head in the past several weeks. At that point, reserve supplies from before the aid cutoff had all but disappeared — and it became obvious that GHF wasn't providing nearly enough food to make up for Israel's other restrictions. By late July, even some UN aid workers couldn't find sufficient food for themselves. As the reality of starvation on the ground became undeniable to all but the most blinkered Israeli propagandists, the world erupted in outrage. While Israel is used to international criticism, the volume and nature of the outrage was so significant that it was forced to change policy. Israel began airdropping supplies into Gaza, opened up new corridors for UN trucks to provide aid, and unilaterally announced 10-hour daily 'pauses' in its military operations in order to facilitate aid provision. Whether these policies actually alleviate hunger in Gaza remains to be seen. But the key point, from a military point of view, is that Israel just proved that it cannot leverage suffering in Gaza into gains at the negotiating table. Quite the opposite, in fact: The worse things get, the more Israel feels a need to change course — to slow down its military operations unilaterally, without Hamas having to give up anything in exchange. 'The world coming down on you…that takes the pressure off Hamas,' says Ilan Goldenberg, the senior vice president at J Street who recently served as a top Israel-Palestine official in the Biden administration. '[The aid cutoff] actually probably causes Hamas to take a harder line in negotiations.' This should not come as a shock. The October 7 attacks themselves were intended, at least in part, to provoke an Israeli overreaction — something so violent and bloody that Israel would lose the world's post-attack goodwill and even suffer severe political consequences. The more misery Netanyahu's government inflicts on Gazans, the better off Hamas is in the long term. By cutting off and limiting aid, Israel made a vicious choice that played directly into Hamas's hands. 'Months wasted playing a game the enemy couldn't lose, and if you miscalculate the consequences are justifiably on you — on your head,' Haviv Rettig Gur, a prominent right-leaning Israeli journalist, said on his podcast last week. Israel's aid policy 'failed so severely,' in Gur's view, 'that Hamas has been propped up at every turn, its resilience assured, and all the gains on the battlefield jeopardized.' A long-term diplomatic disaster It is worth dwelling on why Israel cares so much about the current wave of international outrage. Throughout the Gaza war, Israel has been able to ride out increasingly hostile opinions in most countries thanks to its support among the leaders of Western democracies. The European Union is Israel's trading partner, and the United States its military supplier and diplomatic patron. So long as those relationships are intact, Israel faces few serious threats from global public opinion. But in the past week, that dam has started to crack — beginning what Michael Koplow, the chief policy officer at the Israel Policy Forum, calls a 'long-predicted diplomatic tsunami.' It is not that the proposals by countries like Britain, Canada, and France to recognize a Palestinian state mean much in immediate practical terms. It is what they signal as newly possible: a world where countries begin actually treating Israel not as a peer democracy, but as a rogue aggressor more akin to Russia than an EU member state. Just this week, the EU floated a bid to end some research cooperation with Israel — a punishment that, per key member states, will become more and more likely if the humanitarian situation in Gaza doesn't improve. Yet for all Israel's woes in Europe, it is the United States where it faces the most dangerous long-term threat. Democrats have been turning from Israel since the Obama presidency, a trend that accelerated sharply and dramatically during the Gaza war. 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