
After the Train: Irishwomen united – a book to be passed down the generations, with future cultural insurgency in mind
Author
:
Evelyn Conlon and Rebecca Pelan editors
ISBN-13
:
978-1068502309
Publisher
:
UCD Press
Guideline Price
:
€30
From 1975 to 1977, Irishwomen United (IWU) – and the culture of change it generated – radically fed into the emancipation of Irish society that led to
2018's referendum
to lift the constitutional
abortion
ban. In their deeds and words, IWU threw off much of the misogynistic, theocratic, social and mind control that was so oppressively exerted from 1922 with the formation of the postcolonial
Irish
'Free' State.
'Lest they forget,' and as a blueprint for ongoing social justice transformation, After the Train has been durably designed and produced to weather many decades of reading and rereading: to be passed from hand to hand, and down the generations, with future cultural insurgency in mind.
The 'train' of the title refers to the Irish Women's Liberation Movement 1971 stunt of bringing contraceptives from Belfast to Dublin's Connolly Station; a spark of civil disobedience which the IWU took up again in 1976 with its aptly named CAP (Contraception Action Programme). CAP openly and illegally distributed contraception, enacting the principle that women's control of their own fertility is the bedrock of female equality.
Reading how inferior women's social and legal status was in Ireland in the early 1970s compared to now demonstrates the far-reaching impact of IWU and its cultural offshoots. Contributor Anne Speed writes: 'A wife was officially the property of her husband; rape was legal in marriage; contraceptives were banned since 1935; divorce was unconstitutional; a woman could not sit on juries; by law, children's allowances were paid to the husband, and it was legal to pay women less than men for the same job.'
READ MORE
IWU seized the narrative through the development of feminist publishing; set up organisations to tackle rape, the abortion ban and the plight of single mothers; and lobbied powerfully to affect equality through law reform and the trade union movement.
[
From the archive: A history of Irish women in 50 objects
Opens in new window
]
Here's reader testimony to the revolutionary power of this skilfully edited collection: as the mother of a disabled adult son, I'm at the coalface of human rights travesties that have barely begun to be recognised as such by wider Irish society. My desire for disabled people's self-determination, inclusion and equality, and my understanding of how these might be achieved, feel turbocharged with After the Train on my shelf and in my heart.
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Extra.ie
2 hours ago
- Extra.ie
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Pic: ©Fran Veale He stood with his hands clasped in front of him and replied 'guilty' as the court registrar read out details of each of the 10 charges. Judge Patricia Ryan remanded him on continuing bail for a sentencing hearing to take place on October 29. The court heard that victim-impact statements would be required. Carey's barrister also requested legal aid on behalf of his client to cover a psychological report that may be necessary, saying there were 'certain mental health issues'. Judge Ryan granted the application. Carey was not required to address the court again and left shortly after. No evidence was given this week about how much money the former hurler pocketed. However, some sources familiar with the case believe more than €1m was given to Carey under false pretences. Carey's legal team this week said their client has a 'genuine' heart condition and that he had mental health issues. 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Irish Times
2 hours ago
- Irish Times
Expect plenty of cribbin' and moanin' as the budget games begin
The budget games are under way, right enough. Impending decisions about spending priorities for next year and into the future are now the unavoidable context of every political exchange – especially those within Government , some of which you'll see, most of which you won't. They are the subtext of every interview, news story and speech between now and October. As ever, the management of expectations at the centre is essential at this stage. At the recent National Economic Dialogue Paschal Donohoe solemnly warned of deep uncertainty about the future and that (inconveniently) positive headline economic figures so far this year mask 'considerable vulnerabilities'. 'The mood music is changing,' Donohoe warned. His party leader saw 'dark clouds on the horizon'. For the Taoiseach , 'challenging,' was the mot juste. In the Dáil this week, Minister for Public Expenditure Jack Chambers returned to the theme. READ MORE 'We face significant economic uncertainty,' he said. 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Irish Times
3 hours ago
- Irish Times
Oliver Plunkett's story would make a great film – it's a shame modern, secular Ireland has forgotten him
Interest in Oliver Plunkett has fluctuated over the four centuries since he was found guilty of treason in a blatant miscarriage of justice in 1681, after which he was hanged, drawn and quartered at Tyburn . Interest may have peaked in the 1970s. In 1975, there was nearly a diplomatic incident because then taoiseach Liam Cosgrave and president Cearbhall Ó Dálaigh were vying to represent Ireland at the canonisation in Rome . Cosgrave won and even proclaimed the first reading at the canonisation Mass. Archbishop Karol Wojtyła of Kraków also attended, invited by Cardinal William Conway. Four years later, now Pope John Paul II, he prayed before the relics of St Oliver Plunkett at Drogheda before his famous plea for peace. Citing Oliver Plunkett as an exemplar of forgiveness, he begged 'in the language of passionate pleading ... on my knees ... turn away from the paths of violence and ... return to the ways of peace'. 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When appointed as Archbishop of Armagh in 1670, the memory of Cromwell's slaughter of thousands in Drogheda and Wexford followed by deliberately induced famine that reduced the population by up to 25 per cent was still fresh. Plunkett managed to navigate a political situation where Catholics officially had no civil rights. It sometimes necessitated disguise as an English officer or hiding in caves. He worked tirelessly to be on good terms with Protestant bishops and included Protestant students in a newly established Jesuit school in Drogheda. The Irish Catholic Church was in chaos – religious orders fighting over property, alcohol-abusing priests leading scandalous lives, and the Rapparees – or partisans – launching raids. The Rapparees were viewed either as guerrilla defenders of fellow dispossessed Catholics or lawless criminals, and probably contained elements of both. Oliver Plunkett negotiated a settlement with the Rapparees in Tyrone, leading to an unprecedented peace. Some of the clerics he reprimanded or removed from office would eventually give false testimony against him, implicating him in Titus Oates' entirely fictitious Popish plot. Modern, secular Ireland does not have much space for a story like Oliver Plunkett's or, indeed, for contemporary examples of Christian persecution. But as Archbishop Eamon Martin said in a homily in Loughcrew last Sunday, 'sadly, even in 2025, martyrdom remains a reality for many of our Christian brothers and sisters around the world'. Archbishop Martin cited the recent murder of 200 Christians in western Nigeria. Fulani armed groups descended on a village full of displaced Christians and murdered them with machetes, before setting fire to their bodies. According to a UK Parliament research briefing , 4,476 Christians were killed for faith-related reasons in 2024. Seventy per cent of those killed were in Nigeria. The world mostly ignores it. The BBC recently provided a perfect example of this reluctance to ascribe religious motives in an explainer on the 200 deaths. It laid the blame on farmer versus herder conflicts and climate change before mentioning religion as an additional factor. According to the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom, Fulani armed groups in northwest Nigeria engage in 'kidnapping, rape, property and cattle theft, illegal possession of weapons, and murder'. While the motivation behind individual attacks can be difficult to verify, they 'significantly restrict freedom of religion or belief, particularly for the predominantly Christian communities that live there'. We care about the shocking conditions of Palestinian children in Gaza because we see them daily on our screens. The courage and faith of St Oliver might remind us that other persecuted communities, including Christians, deserve visibility and no less of our concern.