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Armed gang attacks Kenya Human Rights Commission on eve of protests

Armed gang attacks Kenya Human Rights Commission on eve of protests

eNCA2 days ago
NAIROBI - An armed gang attacked the headquarters of the Kenyan Human Rights Commission on Sunday as it hosted a press conference calling for an end to state violence, an AFP journalist saw.
The attack came on the eve of "Saba Saba Day" when Kenyans mark pro-democracy protests from the 1990s, and renewed unrest is expected on Monday.
The east African country is once again facing a wave of violent protests over economic stagnation, corruption and repeated acts of police brutality under President William Ruto.
The Kenyan Human Rights Commission was hosting a press conference calling for "an immediate end to arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings" when it was attacked by 20 men, some armed with sticks.
"The gate was locked but they forced themselves in. They were attacking and robbing guys, saying: 'You are planning protests here'," said an AFP journalist at the scene.
"Armed goons have attacked offices of the Kenya Human Rights Commission," the Women's Collective, which helped organise the meeting, posted on X.
AFP | Luis TATO
At least 19 people were killed and thousands of businesses looted and destroyed in a day of nationwide protests on 25 June.
The government has been accused of deploying "goons" against protesters and political opponents.
Hundreds of men on motorbikes armed with whips and clubs attacked a protest against police brutality in Nairobi on 17 June. AFP journalists at the scene said they were operating with the protection of police.
- 'Kenya feels fragile' -
Urbanisation, improved education and the spread of social media have fuelled anger over the stagnant economy and poor governance in a country where around 80 percent are trapped in informal, poorly paid jobs.
"Kenya feels much more fragile than it would have four or even three years ago," said Declan Galvin, Kenya-based analyst with Exigent Risk Advisory.
"We have a much larger, urban, mainly youth population, who do not rely on ethnicity and tribalism" as they did in the past, he told AFP.
Politically, Ruto still holds a strong position, having forged an alliance with the main opposition leader Raila Odinga, leaving no clear challenger ahead of the next vote in 2027.
But each violent crackdown is fuelling further unrest, said activist Nerima Wako.
"Every time people organise a protest, they kill more people, so it just continues to feed off itself," she said.
AFP | Luis TATO
Saba Saba Day marks the uprising on 7 July, 1990 when Kenyans demanded a return to multi-party democracy after years of autocratic rule by then-president Daniel arap Moi.
Ruto cut his teeth as a youth organiser for Moi when those protests were violently suppressed.
His government "seems to be trying to repeat the nineties, but we are not in the nineties," said Gabrielle Lynch, an African politics expert at Britain's University of Warwick.
"They don't seem to have realised that the world is different. People are more politically aware, but also the communication environment has dramatically changed with the rise of social media," she added.
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Witchcraft law clashes with African beliefs, argues University of the Western Cape researcher
Witchcraft law clashes with African beliefs, argues University of the Western Cape researcher

TimesLIVE

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  • TimesLIVE

Witchcraft law clashes with African beliefs, argues University of the Western Cape researcher

A South African researcher from the University of the Western Cape is calling for the repeal of the Witchcraft Suppression Act 3 of 1957, arguing it is a colonial relic that continues to marginalise African cultural and spiritual practices. Happyness Nokwatu Raselabe, a forensic linguist, recently completed her master's research at the University of the Western Cape (UWC) and contributed a chapter to the book titled Courtroom discourse: practical insights from legal linguists, where she looked at the intercultural void that exists in South African law, with a particular focus on the Witchcraft Suppression Act, which is still in place more than 60 years later. Her study is titled Ityala ngumphikwa: Evidence lost in translation and interpretation — a critical analysis of language implications during court trials and focuses on how language barriers and outdated laws continue to disadvantage black South Africans in the justice system. 'My research critically analyses how language impacts court trials,' she said. 'I used a case I found at the Western Cape Archive Library titled Sityodana Mseswa, which was judged under the Witchcraft Suppression Act,' she said. Raselabe argues that this law contradicts more recent legislation, such as the Traditional Health Practitioners Act 22 of 2007, which recognises traditional healers. Raselabe believes the Witchcraft Suppression Act is a direct attack on traditional healers and people who practise African spirituality. 'You cannot have the Witchcraft Suppression Act, which suppresses the people who believe in 'witchcraft' and have the Traditional Health Practitioners Act. The Witchcraft SuppressionAct opposes everything the Traditional Health Practitioners Act was meant to correct,' she said. 'Traditional healers, diviners and any spiritual practice were umbrellaed under the WSA, resulting in abathandazeli [prophets/faith healers], amagqirha [traditional healers] and all other African spirituality practitioners practising in secret as they were prone to being labelled witches and risked being charged under this act.' Beyond the law itself, Raselabe's research also shines a light on the dominance of English in court proceedings, which she says disadvantages non-English speakers and wastes resources. 'Why not introduce African languages as languages of record in courts?' she asked. 'It's a waste of resources, taxpayers' money, and time.' She commended chief justice Mandisa Maya for once delivering a verdict in isiXhosa, saying: 'Our constitution advocates for the promotion of African languages. If we are indeed serious about ensuring that all languages are on the same parity, we must be serious about diversifying the language of records in courts.' In conducting her research, Raselabe had to dig through old court records, some handwritten in cursive from the 1950s and speak to elders, including getting insights from her grandmother who is over 100 years old. She also used her background in forensic linguistics, customary law and indigenous knowledge systems to explore how South African laws do not fully reflect African traditions and ways of life. 'You cannot expect people to abide by laws they do not understand or that are not written in their home language,' said Raselabe. One of her key findings was that despite public proposals to repeal the act, it remains in effect. 'We are still living in a highly Westernised system,' she said. 'We are moving at a snail's pace. We need to do something. We need to repeal these laws.' In her view, the legal definition of witchcraft remains rooted in colonial ideology. 'When we speak of witchcraft, what is that? How do you even define witchcraft ngeSintu [from indigenous perspectives]?' she asked. 'The concept of witchcraft in African cultures is more of a principle. The Western understanding does not align with our beliefs.' Raselabe hopes her research will raise awareness and pressure policymakers into action. 'I'm hoping that it will push the South African Law Reform Commission to get a move on. We need laws that reflect the majority of citizens.' She added that proper consultation was key: 'When the Witchcraft Suppression Act was put in place, there were no consultations. If we want to repeal it now, we must speak to the custodians of the traditions and the culture.' Her advice to other researchers: read widely, consult elders and confirm every source. 'Read as much as possible and engage with as many people as you can.' Raselabe has since completed her Master's degree at UWC and expanded her research to compare African and Western understandings of legal concepts such as adoption, abduction, defamation and ukuthwala.

NMB Business Chamber calls for urgent mitigation after devastating US tariff announcement
NMB Business Chamber calls for urgent mitigation after devastating US tariff announcement

Daily Maverick

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  • Daily Maverick

NMB Business Chamber calls for urgent mitigation after devastating US tariff announcement

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There will be wide-ranging implications for South African exporters, with Nelson Mandela Bay being disproportionately impacted due to our high reliance on the automotive and agriculture sectors of our economy,' Chamber CEO Denise van Huyssteen said. '[The South African] government must move with absolute urgency to implement emergency measures to protect local exporters and the thousands of jobs linked to this. Potential mitigation actions could include still trying to find ways to establish mutually beneficial trade relations with the US to reduce the tariff burden, securing alternative markets for our products by negotiating with BRICS markets for Free Trade Agreements, strengthening trade relations with the European Union and South East Asia markets. However, it needs to be noted that switching markets takes a long time and is not something which can be done in the short term,' Van Huyssteen said. Eastern Cape economy According to an analysis from the Eastern Cape Development Corporation for Q4 of 2024, the decision from Trump comes as exports from the province were already in decline, by 22% at the end of 2024. The top four provincial export commodities are motor vehicles, wool and mohair. Competitive advantage Van Huyssteen said several countries would now have significant cost advantages over South Africa, including others in Africa, while Japan and Korea may have the flexibility to absorb the tariffs. 'This will put South Africa, which already from a logistics perspective [is] far from other markets, in a very uncompetitive position versus other countries around the globe, and on the African continent. There is no doubt that this will have a direct impact on the global strategies and decisions of multinationals on where the best manufacturing locations may be,' Van Huyssteen said. Retaliation tariffs She said other potential issues which might arise included other countries reducing their tariffs to the US, and SA exporters having to compete with these tariffs; retaliation tariffs from our current trade partners and the dumping of products in our market by other countries which can no longer compete in the US. 'An example of this is the impact of cheap tyres entering the country through anti-dumping loopholes, affecting the ongoing viability of local tyre manufacturing,' Van Huyssteen said. Goodyear Tyres announced last month that it was shutting down its manufacturing plant in Kariega. It is expected that around 900 people will lose their jobs. Earlier this year, Continental Tyres closed one of its specialist tyre factories. 'The United States is South Africa's second-biggest trading partner and is the automotive industry's second-biggest export market. The industry has for a number of years benefited from duty-free benefits under Agoa, but this has now permanently ceased,' Van Huyssteen said. 'The automotive industry requires economies of scale to be competitive and the South African industry only represents 0.6% of global vehicle production. By far the biggest risk in the short term to the medium term is the competition that South Africa will face from non-US manufacturing countries which may have a lower tariff base. 'Furthermore, those vehicle manufacturers who export vehicles to the US are likely to be more immediately impacted in the short term, with component exports to the US likely to be impacted soon afterwards. 'Our local economy is highly reliant on the automotive industry and employs almost half of the country's employment in this sector. We are particularly concerned about the potential knock-on impact of reduced vehicle assembly volumes of affected OEMs (original equipment manufacturers) who export to the US may have on the automotive components supply chain and surrounding ecosystem. 'Manufacturing is currently under immense pressure brought about by the electricity, logistics and municipal infrastructure challenges of the past few years, as well as the influx of cheap imports into the market. In terms of the automotive industry, cheaper imported vehicles are making inroads into the market, with consumers opting for these rather than purchasing from companies that manufacture vehicles locally. 'In fact, five out of the top-10-selling vehicles in the SA market are from companies that do not assemble vehicles locally. These factors, together with the potential of reduced export volumes to the US, make it even more difficult for the industry to be sustainable. 'The ecosystem linked to the automotive industry generates thousands of jobs from the vehicle manufacturers and components manufacturers, right through to the many medium and small businesses providing indirect services such as cleaning, security, IT and various other support services,' Van Huyssteen said. She said the agriculture sector, which like the automotive industry has benefited from Agoa, would be directly affected. Agriculture The Eastern Cape is the country's second-largest citrus-producing province, but does not export to the United States. There are concerns, though, that other citrus-producing areas will now compete for the Eastern Cape's export markets. Requirement for mitigation The Eastern Cape as a whole is likely to be disproportionately affected by the tariff announcements versus the rest of the country, given the extent to which its economy is anchored by the automotive and agriculture sectors. 'Speed and a proactive strategic response are required to enable South African-based manufacturers to find alternative solutions to navigating the fast-changing landscape and implementing mitigation actions,' Van Huyssteen said. Components manufacturing The CEO of the National Association of Automotive Component and Allied Manufacturers, Renai Moothilall, said the confirmation of the additional duties in the US market to be applied from 1 August were of great concern in the automotive sector. 'We are already seeing volumes of vehicle assemblies linked to those markets being reduced and the impact on the supplier base is negative. Having noted the content of President Trump's statement, Naacam urges a nuanced and urgent negotiation which highlights the positive trade relationship that the US enjoys with SA in terms of components coming from that country to be used in vehicles which are then exported back to the US,' he said. Automotive Business Council While he has not yet responded to the confirmation of the 30% tariff, Mikel Mabasa, CEO of Naamsa, the Automotive Business Council, said last month that the United States was the third-largest destination for South African automotive exports, with about R35-billion worth of vehicles shipped in 2024, accounting for 6.5% of total vehicle exports in 2024. 'The proposed 25% tariff increase will severely impact local manufacturers operating in South Africa, including BMW, Ford, Isuzu, Mercedes-Benz, Nissan, Toyota, and Volkswagen, who produce vehicles for global markets, including the US. Last month, while attending the Gauteng Investment Conference in Johannesburg, Mabasa said it could have serious implications for jobs in South Africa as the SA auto industry contributed significantly to economic development, employment and industrialisation. On Tuesday afternoon, he said that the council would meet on Tuesday night to discuss the new tariffs. DM

President Ramaphosa's National Dialogue is out of touch with African grassroots
President Ramaphosa's National Dialogue is out of touch with African grassroots

Daily Maverick

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President Ramaphosa's National Dialogue is out of touch with African grassroots

President Cyril Ramaphosa's announcement of a National Dialogue, intended to forge consensus around a new 30-year National Development Plan (NDP), is yet another reminder of how disconnected our leadership has become from the realities South Africans face daily. While our communities grapple with gender-based violence, crime, corruption, inequality and social fragmentation, what we are being offered is not the opportunity to confront these urgent crises head-on, but rather a carefully curated event, far removed from the daily struggles of ordinary citizens. This disconnect becomes even more glaring when we consider the lessons of the past. Back in 2009, when the original NDP process began, the National Planning Commission, chaired by then Minister Trevor Manuel, was clear about the distinction between lofty ideals and actionable plans. 'Visions are visions. They are broad, frequently general. They are aspirations,' Manuel warned. 'But plans have to be detailed, supported by numbers.' Ramaphosa's proposed dialogue feels like yet another broad, aspirational exercise disconnected from practical, measurable action. The missing first step: returning to our roots of authentic dialogue Growing up in an African community, Ramaphosa would have been shaped by traditions that prioritised meaningful, grassroots engagement. Justice under the tree, gathering around the fire and community problem-solving were never abstract ideals; they were lived, practical realities that anchored decision-making in language, culture and shared understanding. Our Constitutional Court itself reflects these principles, embodying restorative justice rooted in African traditions. We saw the same values during the Mont Fleur Scenarios of 1991, where South African leaders, activists, economists, ANC officials, academics and business leaders came together to confront the harsh realities of apartheid and imagine a different future. Importantly, they engaged with humility, urgency and a willingness to hear uncomfortable truths – not in corporate boardrooms, but through inclusive dialogue grounded in real experiences. Somewhere along the way, Ramaphosa seems to have lost sight of these foundational principles. The fundamental flaw in Ramaphosa's National Dialogue is that it skips the most crucial first step: genuine engagement with the communities most affected by South Africa's challenges. This is not merely a matter of consultation; it is about ensuring any national conversation is grounded in real data, authentic voices, and the uncomfortable truths that emerge from township streets, rural villages and community halls. Without this foundation, dialogue among elites becomes premature, uninformed and, ultimately, disconnected from the problems it claims to address. The reality on the ground: excluded frontline voices In my recent experience of engaging with three police stations on their approach to gender-based violence (GBV), it became clear that the very people tasked with delivering justice are underprepared, unsupported and excluded from meaningful conversations about solutions. Officers openly expressed frustration at their lack of training and resources, especially when dealing with GBV cases. Some even asked, 'How do we begin to report and deal with GBV cases?' It was deeply concerning to hear officers say that they don't know how to deal with one of the biggest issues the country is facing. If Ramaphosa spent time listening to those on the front lines – police officers, community workers, survivors – his policies would be shaped by reality, not disconnected visions. But right now, these critical voices are excluded from shaping national solutions. This concern reflects a broader problem: the people working on the front lines are systematically excluded from meaningful conversations about solutions. Many operate within broken systems, with little institutional support, resulting in failed justice for survivors and growing public distrust. These are the voices and experiences that should inform any national dialogue. Building an informed foundation: the path forward Before any national dialogue proceeds, we need to start where the real South African story is being lived – around fires, in community halls, on street corners – speaking directly to those affected by these challenges. Language, culture and context matter. Social consensus cannot be built in luxury venues when trust, understanding and practical solutions have yet to be built at the grassroots level. This means conducting proper research, gathering credible data and creating space for diverse communities across South Africa to share their lived experiences. We don't need to reinvent solutions – South Africans already know what works: authentic, community-driven engagement, leadership grounded in reality, and a willingness to hear hard truths. Return to roots Ramaphosa must return to the spaces where he once witnessed genuine, grassroots dialogue. We need honest, uncomfortable, face-to-face conversations with those carrying the daily weight of South Africa's hardships. The president would do well to take cues from his own comrades, notably Trevor Manuel, whose original NDP process recognised that vision alone is meaningless without measurable action rooted in lived experience. Likewise, the lessons of Mont Fleur show that during times of deep division, bold, inclusive conversations driven by ordinary people, not staged events, can help reshape South Africa's future. The president faces a clear choice: continue with another sanitised, media-friendly gathering that delivers little beyond soundbites, or embrace the messy, uncomfortable, yet potentially transformative work of authentic, community-based engagement. Until that first critical step is taken, this so-called dialogue remains premature, disconnected and destined to miss the very voices it claims to elevate. Anything less is performative politics – a detached exercise in optics, wasting state resources that should be directed towards solving the very crises this dialogue claims to address. DM

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