US to review, reduce number of its troops in Europe
On Friday, during a visit to Washington, Pevkur, with counterparts from Latvia and Lithuania, met with US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth to discuss cooperation aimed at enhancing transatlantic ties, the ERR broadcaster reported.
"As for the position of the US troops on a global scale, it is now under review... This process is being carried out in cooperation with the Supreme Commander of Forces in Europe and NATO headquarters. It is possible that more precise figures will be announced in the autumn," Pevkur told the ERR.
The focus of the United States' attention is now shifting to the Indo-Pacific region, the military presence of its troops in Europe will decrease, however, Hegseth "could not answer exactly to what extent," Pevkur also said.
In early July, the Euractiv portal reported that European NATO members started preparing for a possible reduction in the number of US troops on the continent. These countries are convinced that US President Donald Trump will reduce the number of forces there, now amounting to about 80,000 people, and redirect them to Asia and the Middle East, the news portal added.
Since his return to office in January, US President Donald Trump has been pushing the idea of greater military spending by US partners, including the members of NATO. The June 24-25 NATO summit in The Hague raised the target threshold for defense spending by alliance members to 5% of GDP, which countries are expected to reach by 2035.
In recent years, Russia has been flagging up NATO's unprecedented activity near its western borders. NATO is expanding its initiatives and calling it "containing Russian aggression." Moscow has repeatedly expressed concern about the buildup of alliance forces in Europe. The Kremlin noted that the Russia did not threaten anyone, but would not ignore actions potentially dangerous to its interests.
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First Post
42 minutes ago
- First Post
How Erdogan's Islamist agenda undermines India-Turkey ties
While India and Turkey have the potential to develop economic and commercial relations, Ankara's political orientations and President Recep Erdogan's Islamic bent of mind and his larger-than-life image of himself prevent the growth of ties read more Turkey, or, to be diplomatically correct, Türkiye (but the country is still popularly known as Turkey), has had close ties with Pakistan since the early 1950s. Their inspiration was Turkey and Pakistan's pro-West orientation during the Cold War. Turkey became a member of NATO in 1952, and both countries joined the US-created Central Treaty Organisation (Cento) in 1955. That led their armed forces, which controlled the destinies of their respective countries, to be drawn to each other. This process was encouraged by the US because it considered them to be bulwarks against the Soviets. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Thus, the Cold War cast a shadow on India-Turkey relations because India was a non-aligned country. Thus, also, Turkey's sympathies, through the decades, were with Pakistan on contentious India-Pakistan matters. These included the Jammu and Kashmir issue. Its disposition for Pakistan was not limited to expressions of diplomatic support but covered the defence dimension as well. It was this approach that was decisively demonstrated during Operation Sindoor. Turkish diplomatic statements were biased against India. During the aerial operation, Pakistan extensively used Turkish drones between the nights of May 6-7 and the cessation of hostilities on May 10. It is also believed that Turkey continued its military supplies during the crucial period when Operation Sindoor was actively underway. India was indignant at Turkey openly siding with Pakistan during Operation Sindoor. It signalled its unhappiness by withdrawing the security clearance of the Turkish company Celebi Aviation, which, through its Indian entity, handled cargo at nine Indian airports. This action was appropriate. India reinforced its disapproval of Turkish policies during Operation Sindoor when Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Turkey's arch-rival Cyprus on June 15-16. During his trip Modi reiterated India's traditional support for Cyprus in its disputes with Turkey. The India-Cyprus Joint Statement issued after Modi's discussions with Cyprus President Nikos Christodoulides noted, inter alia, 'India reiterated its unwavering and consistent support for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, and unity of the Republic of Cyprus. In this regard, both sides emphasised the need to avoid unilateral actions as essential for creating a conducive environment for the resumption of meaningful negotiations.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This is contrary to the Turkish position on the Cyprus issue. Indeed, Turkey's all-out support for Turkish Cypriots manifested itself fully after its invasion of the island in 1974. Turkish troops since then are present in the entity, which now calls itself the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TNRC). Turkey actually wants TNRC to become a sovereign state with full international recognition. A United Nations Peacekeeping Force ensures the maintenance of peace in Cyprus. Before proceeding further to attempt a prognosis of how the India-Turkey-Pakistan ties will evolve, it would be appropriate to consider Turkey's diplomatic responses to the Pahalgam terrorist attack and the beginning and pause of Operation Sindoor. Turkey's Foreign Ministry condemned the Pahalgam attack, calling it 'heinous'. It also stated, 'We are deeply saddened to learn that many people lost their lives and many others were injured in a terrorist attack that targeted civilians in the Pahalgam region of Jammu and Kashmir today (April 22).' Turkey did call the Pahalgam attack a terrorist one, but what is clearly seen in its carefully crafted statement is that it left the question of where the terrorists came from completely open. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Turkey has a long tradition of refined diplomacy. Hence, its decision not to enter into the question of where the terrorists came from was deliberate. Pakistan's sponsorship of terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir has been going on for thirty-five years, and Turkey is not oblivious of this fact. On the day of the Pahalgam attack, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif was in Ankara on apparently a pre-scheduled visit. However, this was all the more reason for Turkey to signal, even obliquely, that the sponsorship of terrorism was not acceptable. On Operation Sindoor, Turkey's Foreign Ministry stated the 'attack carried out by India last night (night of May 6-7) raises the risk of an all-out war. We condemn such provocative steps as well as attacks targeting civilians and civilian infrastructure. We call on the parties to exercise common sense and refrain from unilateral actions. We expect that measures will be taken to reduce tensions in the region as soon as possible and that the necessary mechanisms, including in the field of counter-terrorism, will be put in place to prevent the recurrence of similar incidents. We also support Pakistan's call for an investigation into the April 22 terrorist attack'. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This was clearly a pro-Pakistani statement. It virtually called Operation Sindoor 'provocative' and 'condemned' it. Going further, it supported Pakistan's demand for an 'international' investigation into the Pahalgam attack. Turkey also showed its partisanship by not demanding that a similar international investigation should be carried out on the Jaffar Express attack, which the Pakistani military stated was undertaken by India through the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA). By issuing this statement, Turkey indicated that it fully stood behind Pakistan. This could only cause outrage in the government and people of India, as indeed it did. On the day of the ceasefire—May 10—Turkey again issued a completely pro-Pakistani statement. Its Foreign Ministry noted, 'We welcome the declaration of a ceasefire between Pakistan and India. We call on the parties to make maximum use of the opportunity provided by the ceasefire to establish a direct and healthy dialogue. It is evident that dialogue mechanisms to prevent similar escalations, including in the field of counter-terrorism, need to be established to ensure sustainable stability in South Asia. We extend our appreciation to all countries, in particular the USA, which have contributed to the ceasefire.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD In this statement Turkey contradicted or ignored two basic Indian positions. The first was that the cessation of hostilities was because of direct Indian and Pakistani contacts and not caused by the intervention of any third party, including the United States. The second position that Turkey ignored was India's valid stand on talks with Pakistan. These are best summarised in the words 'talks and terrorism cannot go together'. Taken together, Turkey's three statements were so completely against India that they could have no reaction but to bring India-Turkish ties to a new low. They also naturally angered the Indian public, and calls went out that Indian tourists should not visit Turkey; its popularity as a tourist destination for Indians has grown in recent years. Besides, Indian filmmakers have also considered Turkish locales for shooting their films. If India was disappointed by Turkey's partisanship, Pakistan was delighted. Shehbaz Sharif, who was in Turkey on April 22, again went to the country on May 25 to thank President Recep Tayyip Erdogan for his support of Pakistan before and during Operation Sindoor. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD A media release from Shehbaz Sharif's office gushed, 'Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, who was accompanied by Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, Chief of Army Staff, expressed heartfelt gratitude to the government and people of Türkiye [Turkey] for their unwavering support to Pakistan during the recent developments in South Asia, underscoring the strength of the fraternal bonds between the two nations." He lauded Turkey's principled stance and the outpouring of support of goodwill of the Turkish people for Pakistan and termed it as a source of great comfort and strength for Pakistan. Significantly, the media release also noted, 'Both leaders reaffirmed their principled support for each other's core concerns, including the Jammu and Kashmir dispute.' What the Pakistani media release omitted to mention is Turkey's core concern, which is the Cyprus dispute. Certainly, this omission would not have pleased the Turks, but they would have taken it in their stride. Turkey and Pakistan's evolution has greatly differed over the past two decades in one major respect. President Erdogan, who has been the effective 'ruler' of Turkey in this period, has succeeded in eliminating the Turkish armed forces' role in its political life. The armed forces considered themselves as the guardians of the secular legacy of Kemal Ataturk, the father of modern Turkey. They ensured that Turkey's Islamic forces were kept out of the country's public life. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD However, Erdogan, who is an Islamic revivalist, cut the armed forces to size with the help of the Turkish hinterland, which was never in full sympathy with Kemalist ideals. This is unlike Pakistan, where the armed forces are still in control of the country despite the veneer of democracy. What now joins the two countries is that they are both coming more and more in the grip of conservative Islam. At the same time, the professional Turkish army continues its technical linkages with its Pakistani counterpart. In view of these factors, it seems unlikely that Turkey is capable of taking an objective view of developments in the Indian subcontinent or pressing Pakistan to abandon the use of terrorism as a military security doctrine. This can only mean that while India and Turkey have the potential to develop economic and commercial ties, Turkey's political orientations and also Erdogan's Islamic bent of mind and his larger-than-life image of himself will prevent their growth. The possibility of positive growth in India-Turkish ties is therefore bleak. The writer is a former Indian diplomat who served as India's Ambassador to Afghanistan and Myanmar, and as secretary, the Ministry of External Affairs. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
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Business Standard
42 minutes ago
- Business Standard
US team to visit India on Aug 25 for next round of talks for trade pact
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The Hindu
42 minutes ago
- The Hindu
U.S. team to visit India on August 25 for next round of talks for trade pact
The U.S. team will visit India on August 25 for the next round of negotiations for the proposed bilateral trade agreement between the two countries, an official said on Tuesday (July 29, 2025). The official added that the two sides continue to be engaged in an interim trade deal as the August 1 deadline is approaching. August 1 marks the end of the suspension period of tariffs imposed by U.S. President Donald Trump on dozens of countries, including India (26 per cent). "The US team is visiting for the sixth round of talks," the official said. India and the U.S. teams concluded the fifth round of talks for the agreement last week in Washington. India's chief negotiator and Special Secretary in the Department of Commerce, Rajesh Agrawal and Assistant U.S. Trade Representative for South and Central Asia Brendan Lynch held the deliberations. These deliberations are important as both sides are looking at finalising an interim trade deal before August 1. On April 2 this year, Mr. Trump announced high reciprocal tariffs. The implementation of high tariffs was immediately suspended for 90 days till July 9 and later until August 1, as America is negotiating trade deals with various countries. Agri sector concerns India has hardened its position on the U.S. demand for duty concessions on agri and dairy products. New Delhi has, so far, not given any duty concessions to any of its trading partners in a free trade agreement in the dairy sector. Certain farmers' associations have urged the government not to include any issues related to agriculture in the trade pact. India is seeking the removal of this additional tariff (26 per cent). It is also looking at the easing of tariffs on steel and aluminium (50 per cent) and the auto sector (25 per cent). These issues are an important part of the trade pact negotiations. Against these, India has reserved its right under the WTO (World Trade Organization) norms to impose retaliatory duties. The country is also seeking duty concessions for labour-intensive sectors, such as textiles, gems and jewellery, leather goods, garments, plastics, chemicals, shrimp, oil seeds, grapes, and bananas, in the proposed trade pact. On the other hand, the U.S. wants duty concessions on certain industrial goods, automobiles, especially electric vehicles, wines, petrochemical products, agri goods, dairy items, apples, tree nuts, and genetically modified crops. The two countries are looking to conclude talks for the first tranche of the proposed bilateral trade agreement (BTA) by fall (September-October) this year. Before that, they are looking for an interim trade pact. India's merchandise exports to the U.S. rose 22.8 per cent to USD 25.51 billion in the April-June quarter this financial year, while imports rose 11.68 per cent to USD 12.86 billion.
