logo
Operation Akhal Enters Day 4, Becomes Longest Counter-Terror Mission Of 2025

Operation Akhal Enters Day 4, Becomes Longest Counter-Terror Mission Of 2025

India.coma day ago
Operation Akhal, the most significant anti-terror operations in Operation Akhal was noted as one of the longest and most intense anti-terror operations in Jammu and Kashmir in 2025, continuing with relentless gunfire and intermittent explosions.
The sustained engagement over four days, security forces on Monday, involved advanced military assets like Rudra attack helicopters, drones, thermal imaging, and elite Para Special Forces, making the operation more intense. On Day 4 saw continued use of high-tech surveillance and combat tools, which were critical in navigating the dense Akhal forest and bombing the forest through a hexacopter. The deployment of thermal imaging and drones was to track terrorists' movement in challenging terrain.
It's said that three terrorists have been killed till now, but only one is identified and confirmed by officials. The identified terrorist is Haris Nazir Dar, a Category-C militant from Rajpura, Pulwama, affiliated with Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), active since 2023. His body was also retrieved.
The other two terrorists' identities remain unconfirmed, and their bodies have also not been found; hence, officials have not confirmed their deaths yet.
Reports suggest they may be linked to the LeT terror outfit responsible for the April 22 Pahalgam attack that killed 26 civilians.
Four soldiers have been injured during the intense firefights, with no fatalities reported among the forces. The injured soldiers who are said to be in stable condition are admitted to the army hospital.
The operation remains active, with intermittent and intense gunfire continuing through the night. Security forces have tightened the cordon to prevent any terrorists from escaping. The dense forest terrain and natural caves have made body retrieval and locating active terrorists challenging. Security forces believe 2-3 terrorists are hiding in the forest area.
The operation began on August 1, 2025, following specific intelligence about the terrorist presence in the dense Akhal forest. It involves a joint team of the Indian Army elite force PARA Commandos Jammu and Kashmir Police, and SOG Commandos, the Army's RR, and the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF).
Operation Akhal follows other major operations like Operation Mahadev, where three LeT terrorists linked to the Pahalgam attack were killed, and Operation Shiv Shakti, where two infiltrators were killed. The Akhal operation is part of a broader intensification of counter-terror efforts in Jammu and Kashmir, with around 20 high-profile terrorists eliminated since the Pahalgam attack.
Operation Akhal is described as potentially the largest anti-terror operation in Jammu and Kashmir this year due to its scale, duration, and the use of advanced military resources. It reflects the security forces' aggressive stance against terrorism. The operation is continuing and for the night will be halted and will resume with the first light of the day.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

India's presence amid a broken template of geopolitics
India's presence amid a broken template of geopolitics

The Hindu

timean hour ago

  • The Hindu

India's presence amid a broken template of geopolitics

It is time for India to punch its weight and enhance its global presence at a time when global geopolitics is being reset. But, as of now, it is not moving India's way. Operation Sindoor was a reality check when many of India's strategic partners were not willing to call out Pakistan for harbouring United Nations-sanctioned terrorist groups and terrorists. It is now known that three of the perpetrators of the Pahalgam attack (April 22, 2025), who were eliminated recently, were Pakistanis belonging to the Lashkar-e-Taiba. While India's retaliation against terror camps in Pakistan was decisive, it struggled to get this narrative out in the face of United States President Donald Trump repeatedly claiming that it was he who had brought about a ceasefire using trade as a weapon — a claim contradicted by the Government in the recent parliamentary debate. In an unkind twist, Pakistan's Field Marshal Asim Munir was invited to lunch with Mr. Trump after Operation Sindoor. However, the U.S. designated The Resistance Front (TRF), which claimed responsibility for the Pahalgam attack, as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) and Specially Designated Global Terrorist (SDGT). And in a welcome recognition, the report by the UN Security Council's Monitoring Team also named the TRF for the Pahalgam attack. A path with Trump-created hurdles But all is not well. On a historic day when the NISAR satellite (India-U.S. collaboration) was launched, Mr. Trump hit India with a 25% tariff. However, he made a purely trade issue, which could have been resolved in negotiations, into a geopolitical issue, threatening India by 'substantially' raising tariffs for its importing Russian oil when Ukrainians are being killed by the 'Russian War Machine.' India was being trumped especially when Mr. Trump himself is a strong votary of U.S.-Russian rapprochement. While one can dismiss this as typical Trump-style last minute pressure, he has already called on U.S. companies not to invest in India but only in the U.S., and hire only Americans. This comes on the heels of the U.S.'s lopsided security and trade deals with its Indo-Pacific allies and the European Union (EU). American tech giant Nvidia has been permitted by the U.S. to resume sales of its H20 AI chips to China, stopped earlier due to national security concerns. More time has been given to China to get the deal done. After getting bogged down in Ukraine and West Asia, the U.S. has less focus on East Asia. Consequently, if a broader geopolitical understanding between the U.S. and China on East Asia was to come about, it would constrict the space for India. East Asian countries are already hedging their bets. The U.S.'s posturing on South Asia has not helped either. Growing U.S.-Pakistan relations have again become an irritant. Even if this is a reset in bilateral relations, the U.S. has displayed astonishing insensitivity to India's security concerns by praising Pakistan for counter-terrorism efforts, and regional stability. In Bangladesh, the U.S. had gone against Indian interests in supporting the ouster of Sheikh Hasina. In Myanmar, U.S. and European support for forces opposing the military government is destabilising India's north-east. After Galwan and Pahalgam, India's hope for better understanding and coordination with the U.S. on regional security interests has been belied. Mutual trust is being rapidly eroded. Acting in concert with the U.S., the EU is targeting India's import-led energy security at a time when India is negotiating an India-EU Broad-based Trade and Investment Agreement. The EU has sanctioned India's Vadinar Refinery, where Russian Rosneft has a large stake, knowing full well that stopping Russian oil into India will lead to huge pressure on oil prices. On the other hand, Hungary, Slovakia, Belgium, Spain and others are importing Russian oil, through pipelines and as LNG, by securing exemptions or under existing contracts. Europe receives 51% of Russian LNG exports. The EU's carbon border tax and digital and other trade barriers on India remain. India hopes that the recently concluded India-U.K. Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) will force the EU to climb down from its asks in its trade negotiations. China's moves All this has given China an opportunity to, once again, become active in India's neighbourhood. China has proposed new groupings and new deals to keep India out. For example, China's meeting with Pakistan and Bangladesh in Kunming on June 19, 2025 proposed formalising a trilateral initiative, but Bangladesh has not agreed. China is also helping Bangladesh revive a Second World War airbase at Lalmonirhat which is close to the Siliguri Corridor. China's support to Pakistan during Operation Sindoor was extensive. China has also standardised Mandarin names for locations within Arunachal Pradesh. And it wants to seize the future of the institution of the Dalai Lama from India. Riding on a huge trade surplus with India, China is squeezing India's crucial supply chains such as rare earths, fertilizers, Active Pharmaceutical Ingredients, tunnel boring machines and technical personnel. More worrying is the planned construction of China's largest dam in Tibet on the Yarlung Zangbo (Tibetan name for the Brahmaputra), which is near the Indian border. Prime Minister Narendra Modi's recent visit to the Maldives has been timely given China's influence. To counterbalance an unpredictable, and even unreliable, U.S., an unresponsive EU and an aggressive China, India is carrying out a tightrope act. It has prioritised accelerating the current thaw in relations with China to reset equations after the Galwan conflict — despite there being no move towards de-escalation on the border after the initial disengagement in October 2024. Further, India should seriously rethink its stand to remain on the margins of global conflicts. India has been largely silent, if not openly pro-Israel, on the ongoing Israel-Gaza war — an unfolding multidimensional human tragedy. India was also largely silent on the recent Israel-Iran conflict and American bombings, despite important relations with both warring parties and huge stakes in the Gulf. Though it rightly abstained on the UN votes on the Ukraine conflict, its overall approach of not taking a proactive stand on world conflicts may hurt its larger interests and diminish its geopolitical clout as long as it remains on the sidelines. Operation Sindoor has shown India that if it seeks a greater engagement of its partners with its conflicts and issues, India needs to engage more with their conflicts and issues. Some argue that India should keep its head down and focus on becoming the third largest economy and that a larger geopolitical role may hurt its economic growth. The contrary is true. In a fragmenting world order, geopolitics, coercion and threats and protectionism are determining economic and technological outcomes — not most favoured nation or free trade or multilateral World Trade Organization-led trade norms. Therefore, to get its economic and technological trajectory right, India needs to get its geopolitics right. The road ahead Realising that the geopolitical space is shrinking, India is finally breaking free and has objected to the 'targeting'. It has called out the double-speak of the U.S. and the EU under the guise of safeguarding their economic interests — the EU for larger trade in goods and services with Russia than India in 2024, and the U.S. for importing Russian uranium, palladium, fertilizers and chemicals. India's call for a ceasefire in Gaza (it abstained on a similar UN General Assembly resolution two months ago), is a realisation that it needs to be assertive in global conflicts to preserve its strategic autonomy. Facing an erosion of trust with the U.S. and a U.S.-China deal, India needs to clinch an India-U.S. trade deal soon to prevent a further deterioration of relations and to persuade Mr. Trump to travel to India for the Quad summit (India-U.S.-Japan-Australia). After Mr. Trump's outburst, it is a moot point whether India will revive the RIC (Russia-India-China). However, greater engagement with BRICS (2026 summit in India), the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and with East Asia (having missed the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership bus), will only reinforce India's policy of multi-alignment and push back those who constrain it. No more can India just put our head down, mind its own economic business and expect to grow. That template is now broken. T.S. Tirumurti is former Ambassador/Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations, New York and former Secretary, Ministry of External Affairs, New Delhi

The technocratic calculus of India's welfare state
The technocratic calculus of India's welfare state

The Hindu

timean hour ago

  • The Hindu

The technocratic calculus of India's welfare state

With a billion Aadhaar enrollments, 1,206 schemes integrated into the Direct Benefit Transfer system, and 36 grievance portals across States/Union Territories, India's welfare orientation is transitioning into a technocratic calculus. The promise to deliver social welfare at scale, bypassing leaky pipelines and eliminating ghost beneficiaries, might have led to a 're-casting' that delivers 'efficiency' and 'coverage' at the cost of 'democratic norms' and 'political accountability'. An offloading Are we witnessing the emergence of a post-rights based welfare regime? Is the Indian digital welfare state headed towards a systemic impasse? What is the technocratic calculus behind all this? Recent game-theoretic work shows that technocratic rule thrives where parties are polarised. Evidently, our questions have changed. We have shifted from 'who deserves support and why?' to 'how do we minimise leakage and maximise coverage?' Our politicians across party lines have rationally offloaded hard-choices onto data-driven algorithms without questioning the complexities of constitutional values. Contextualising Habermas's 'technocratic consciousness' and Foucault's 'governmentality', India's welfare architecture is increasingly shaped by measurable, auditable, and depoliticised rationality. Schemes such as E-SHRAM and PM KISAN embody a uni-directional, innovation-led logic that is streamlined, measurable, and intolerant of ambiguity or error. Conversely, we have deliberative calls for participatory planning and local feedback embodying the long forgotten core of democratic thinking resonating Giorgio Agamben's notion of homo sacer — a life stripped of political agency. Seemingly, welfare, in the contemporary context, has ceased to exist as a site of democratic deliberations. On a microscopic level, a rights-bearing citizen has been replaced by the auditable beneficiary. Thus, it calls for an urgent need for the state to revisit (in a Rancierean sense) whether it is curating who is visible, who can complain, and whose suffering is computable. Despite claims of a 'socialistic state', we observe a decade-low decline in India's social sector spending that has dwindled to 17% in 2024-25 from the 2014-24 average of 21%. Further, there are some interesting observations beyond plain statistics. Key social sector schemes have borne the brunt of such decline where minorities, labour, employment, nutrition and social security welfare saw a significant decline from 11% (in the pre-COVID-19 phase) to 3% (in post-COVID-19 phase). Parallely, social commentators often comment the Right to Information (RTI) regime to be in 'existential crisis' and further uncovering the cloak on RTI exposes a critical issue within the institution of dysfunctional information commissions. As of June 30, 2024, the number of pending cases crossed the four lakh tally across 29 Information Commission's (ICs), and eight CIC posts were vacant (annual report of CIC, 2023-24). The Indian welfare regime must recover its capacity for reflexivity and situated knowledge, elements that are very peculiar to gram sabhas and frontline bureaucratic discretions. To draw Rancière's critique on democracy, we highlight one major impending concern, that 'democracy depends on whose suffering is rendered visible and contestable, not merely computable'. This concern is further highlighted in Justice D.Y Chandrachud's Aadhaar dissent (2018), that warned precisely against such decontextualisation of identity which served as a caution against reducing citizens to disembedded, machinic data who are devoid of care, context, or even constitutional assurance in some cases. Another instance of algorithmic insulation Another worrisome trend is the Centralised Public Grievance Redress and Monitoring System's flattening of the federal hierarchies into ticket-tracking systems. Although it is a novel initiative resolving tickets and routing complaints across state agencies, empirical data show that lakhs of grievances were disposed of between 2022-24. But on a closer examination it might just be centralising the visibility but not the responsibility — a form of algorithmic insulation that renders political accountability increasingly elusive. These observations are not to dismiss the value of such initiatives. Rather, they invite a deeper conversation on how welfare governance can evolve for a more resilient and responsive state. The government should now think along the lines of 'democratic antifragility' so that our systems built on perfect data and flawless infrastructure do not fail catastrophically under stress (consider Taleb's 'hyper-integrated systems'). We need to empower States to design context-sensitive regimes where federalism and welfare push for pluralism as a feature. Institutionalising community-driven impact audits (as reiterated by the UN Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty), by looping in the Rashtriya Gram Swaraj Abhiyan and Gram Panchayat Development Plans should be the core target. All States must be made capable to build platform cooperatives where self-help groups act as intermediaries; functionally, lessons can be learnt from Kerala's Kudumbashree. Civil society must be incentivised to invest in grass-roots political education and legal aid clinics in order to strengthen the community accountability mechanisms. Lastly, it is time we strengthen and codify our offline fall-back mechanisms, human feedback safeguards, and statutory bias audits by embedding the 'right to explanation and appeal' — as proposed by the UN Human Rights for digital governance systems. Focus on the citizen We, as citizens of India, must realise that a welfare state stripped of democratic deliberations is a machine that works efficiently for everyone except those it is meant to help. For a Viksit Bharat we will have to reorient digitisation with democratic and anti-fragile principles so that citizens become partners in governance, and not mere entries in a ledger. Anmol Rattan Singh is the Co-founder of the PANJ Foundation, a Punjab-based policy research think tank. Agastya Shukla is a Programme Associate at the PANJ Foundation, a Punjab-based policy research think tank

Pakistan political standoff deepens as PTI marks Imran's two years in jail
Pakistan political standoff deepens as PTI marks Imran's two years in jail

Time of India

timean hour ago

  • Time of India

Pakistan political standoff deepens as PTI marks Imran's two years in jail

ISLAMABAD: Two years after former prime minister Imran Khan was jailed, Pakistan is caught in a dangerous political deadlock. Khan's Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) marked the anniversary with nationwide protests on Tuesday, confronting an increasingly dominant military establishment led by Field Marshal Asim Munir. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now Demonstrators took to the streets in Lahore, Karachi, Peshawar, and other cities, demanding Khan's release from Rawalpindi's Adiala Jail, where he has been held since Aug 2023 on charges ranging from corruption to incitement. PTI called the protests a 'do-or-die' moment for democracy. In response, police in Punjab and other regions launched a crackdown, detaining dozens of workers and raiding party politicians' homes, a move Punjab police denied, though sources confirmed at least 20 arrests in Lahore. The crackdown follows sweeping convictions last week, when an anti-terrorism court in Faisalabad sentenced 108 PTI members, including opposition politicians Omar Ayub, Shibli Faraz, and Zartaj Gul Wazir, to 10 years in jail over the May 9, 2023 riots in which military installations were attacked following Khan's brief arrest. Additional convictions were also handed down by another Punjab court, signalling what critics say is a coordinated effort to decapitate the party. PTI chairman Gohar Ali Khan denounced the rulings as 'engineered', timed to sabotage the protests. 'These are not trials, they're political purges,' he said. Khan, speaking through his X account, has accused the military of rigging the 2024 elections and enforcing what he called 'Asim Law' — de facto military rule propped up by Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). The bitter personal feud between Khan and Munir dates back to 2019, when Khan, then PM, removed Munir as ISI chief, a humiliation the now army chief has apparently not forgotten. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now Since Munir's appointment in 2022, the military has tightened its grip on civilian institutions. In June, Munir was controversially promoted to field marshal, Pakistan's first since Ayub Khan, drawing criticism as a face-saving move after recent strategic and political setbacks. The military's power has been further entrenched by a May 2025 Supreme Court ruling allowing civilian trials in military courts, and the passage of the 26th Amendment, which PTI says undermines judicial independence. The PTI's cause has found support overseas, where diaspora communities have launched sustained protest campaigns in cities like London, Toronto, and Houston. Demonstrators have condemned what they call 'military rule in civilian clothing', using social media and digital billboards to amplify their message. While their efforts have gained some attention from rights groups and sympathetic lawmakers, they have yet to translate into meaningful international pressure on Islamabad. Back home, the govt defends the crackdown as a lawful response to what it sees as attempts to destabilise the state. But human rights groups, including Amnesty International, accuse authorities of using 'unlawful and excessive force', including arbitrary arrests, internet shutdowns, and blanket bans on public gatherings. Pakistan's escalating political crisis is no longer just about Imran Khan. It is a contest for power, legitimacy, and the future of democratic space in the country.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store