
Hong Kong's Catholic church declines to say if Tiananmen mass will take place after 3 years of cancellations
When asked if the church would resume the memorial mass on Wednesday – which is June 4, the anniversary of the 1989 crackdown – the communications office said it had held a service last week to pray for the Catholic church in China.
The Hong Kong Catholic Social Communication Office said in an email on Friday that May 24 had been designated as the 'World Day of Prayer for the Church in China.'
Cardinal Stephen Chow 'presided over a Solemn Mass on 24th May this year… at the Cathedral to devote to 'Mary Help of Christians' and to pray for the Church in China,' the office wrote in an email to HKFP.
Last year, the Catholic church gave a similar email reply when asked if it would organise a mass. No mass was eventually held on the anniversary.
The Catholic church's Tiananmen mass was part of Hong Kong's tradition of mourning the victims of the 1989 crackdown for more than three decades until it was cancelled for the first time in 2022. It has not resumed since.
The church at that time cited concerns about members potentially breaching the national security law, which Beijing imposed in 2020 after the pro-democracy protests and unrest that began the year before.
Last year, Cardinal Chow wrote in an open prayer that only through forgiveness would people be able to heal from events that took place '35 years ago in the capital city,' an apparent reference to the 1989 crackdown.
Patriotic carnival to return in Victoria Park
Public remembrance of the Tiananmen crackdown has become rare since the enactment of Beijing's national security law.
In Victoria Park, where Tiananmen vigils took place on the anniversary for three decades, pro-Beijing groups are scheduled to run a patriotic food carnival for the third straight year in the days spanning June 4.
The Hometown Market will be held from Sunday to next Thursday, according to the organisers' Facebook page.
Prior to the Covid-19 pandemic and the Beijing-imposed national security law, tens of thousands of Hongkongers gathered for an annual candlelight vigil on June 4 to mourn the bloody crackdown on student-led protests at Tiananmen Square in Beijing.
The number of deaths is not known, but it is believed that hundreds, if not thousands, died during the People's Liberation Army's dispersal of protesters that day.
Police banned the Tiananmen vigil gathering at Victoria Park for the first time in 2020, citing Covid-19 restrictions, and imposed the ban again in 2021, nearly a year after the national security law came into effect.
The Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China, which organised the vigils, disbanded in September 2021 after several of its members were arrested.
No official commemoration has been held since then.
But HKFP reporters saw individuals lighting up the torch on their phones or holding LED candles in the vicinity of Victoria Park on June 4 last year, in gestures they said were in remembrance of the Tiananmen crackdown.
A heavy police presence was also seen near the park as officers stopped people and conducted searches.
In recent years, the Hong Kong government has referred to the Tiananmen anniversary as a 'sensitive date,' while statues and artworks paying tribute to the 1989 crackdown have also been removed from the city's university campuses.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


AllAfrica
2 hours ago
- AllAfrica
While not dead, US dominance is changing – and not for the better
Just six months after Donald Trump's return to the presidency in the United States, it feels like there has been a sharp break with America's post-war diplomatic legacy. The Trump administration has been steadily making announcements that upset the established order, including reviving a proposal to purchase Greenland without ruling out military action. American officials have publicly spread pro-Russian narratives and have escalated protectionism by introducing tariffs, often announced unilaterally and suddenly, which fluctuate according to the president's moods. What do these developments tell us about the American ability to structure the international order in light of the fact that the US has been the dominant player in the global system in recent decades? As a researcher at France's ENAP specializing in international relations theory, I believe that it marks a significant step in the emergence of counter-hegemonic powers and, by extension, that it signals a weakening of American power. Many see Trump administration's recent choices as a sign of the 'beginning of the end' of American hegemony. But there is nothing new about this discourse. The idea of a US decline has been circulating regularly in academic and strategic circles since the Cold War. As early as the 1980s, British scholar Susan Strange challenged this 'declinist' view, insisting that the true strength of the US lay not just in its economic or military power but in its central role within major international institutions and strategic alliances. It was this structuring role — rather than material superiority alone — that guaranteed its dominant position on the world stage. After the end of the Cold War, the question of decline was largely set aside: French Minister Hubert Védrine declared the US a 'hyperpower' for the way it concentrated all the means of global domination. Since the mid-2000s, the debate on the decline of American hegemony has returned with a vengeance, fueled by the rise of countries such as China, Russia, India, Brazil, Iran and South Africa. However, since then no consensus has emerged within the academic community about the nature of the international system (unipolar, bipolar, or even multipolar). American hegemony has been weakened in certain regions of the world. Political science professors Douglas Lemke of Pennsylvania State University and Suzanne Werner of Emory University have shown this in their work on regional systems. However, no candidate for counter-hegemony (not China, India, Japan or even the European Union) has so far managed to match the US on one key point: its ability to forge strong and lasting alliances and occupy a central position in major international organizations. This role of conductor, which goes beyond the simple accumulation of material power, echoes Strange's reflections on 'structural power.' This aligns closely with research by Daniel Nexon, professor at Georgetown University, and Thomas Wright, director of the US-Europe Center at the Brookings Institution. They distinguish between two main types of hegemony: Classical or imperial hegemony is based on coercion, threats and unbalanced bilateral relations. A country with this type of hegemony imposes its preferences without submitting to shared rules. Liberal hegemony is based on shared and binding institutions, to which even the dominant power agrees to submit in exchange for more stable and legitimate co-operation. From this perspective, the US-led international order since 1945 clearly falls under the second model. During the Cold War, its hegemony was exercised mainly in the western world. But after the fall of the Soviet bloc, this influence spread globally. The US came to embody a form of institutional hegemony, supported by networks of alliances like NATO and the G7 and multilateral institutions that include the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organization. This made American domination more acceptable, less brutal, and above all more difficult to compete with. Even though the American position was weakened in certain areas, it remained central because it guaranteed stability and predictability that its rivals — including China and Russia, who favored a more coercive approach — could not offer. It was precisely this liberal/constitutional model of hegemony that slowed the emergence of real global counterpowers. Through its numerous statements and decisions, the Trump administration is breaking with the liberal hegemony that has structured the international order for decades. In its place, a more authoritarian, unilateral stance is emerging, close to what researchers call classic hegemony. This change is clear enough that some analysts consider certain developments worrisome. Olivier Schmitt, professor and specialist of alliances at the Royal Danish Defence College, raised the possibility a few months ago of a 'Warsawization' of NATO, a scenario in which Washington would transform the organization into a kind of counterpart to the Warsaw Pact, with a rigid and asymmetrical structure based on fear rather than co-operation. This return to a form of coercive hegemony is problematic because it's based on a very short-term view of international relations. Unlike China or Russia, which both apply a form of authoritarian hegemony but with a certain strategic consistency and predictability, the Trump administration acts as if international relations were a non-iterative game, in the sense of game theory — in other words, a game in which refusing to co-operate is the most winning strategy. It adopts a strategy where each move is played without concern for future retaliation or the long-term impact on its reputation. However, other countries and partners remember and adjust their behaviour based on precedents. By acting in this way, the US projects the image of an opportunistic and unstable entity whose commitments no longer have lasting value. This change in posture erodes trust and undermines the stabilizing role that the US had once successfully embodied. Europe and some of its partners are embarking on what looks like a new 'Western schism,' positioning themselves as a liberal counter-model to Trump's America. But the outcome of this dynamic will largely depend on the ability of Europeans to be agents of change rather than mere spectators. Nevertheless, the conditions are now in place for the emergence of genuine counter-hegemonies. This dynamic will continue even if the Democrats return to power in 2029: the Trumpist interlude will have provided America's allies with proof that an alliance with the US is only reliable when the White House is Democratic, and that it immediately becomes precarious as soon as a Republican occupies it. Conditions are now in place for the emergence of genuine counter-hegemonies. This dynamic will continue even if the Democrats return to power in 2029: the Trumpist interlude will have provided America's allies with proof that an alliance with the US is only reliable when the White House is Democratic … This uncertainty will fuel mistrust and push for the consolidation of counter-hegemonic strategies. Even a partial restoration of the liberal order will probably not be enough to stem the fragmentation of the international system that is already underway. Furthermore, it should be noted that the Trump administration is only just beginning its term: unless there is a reversal in the midterm elections in November 2026, it will still have considerable margin for maneuver until January 2029. In other words, the current trajectory is likely to continue. In this sense, Trump's second term does not simply mark a shift, but a lasting break. The slogan 'Make America Great Again' now seems even more misguided: instead of restoring American power, this policy is accelerating its decline. Laurent Borzillo is a visiting researcher at the CCEAE of the University of Montreal and an associate researcher at CESICE of the University of Grenoble, École nationale d'administration publique (ENAP) . This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


South China Morning Post
3 hours ago
- South China Morning Post
As China vows once again to tackle solar panel oversupply, will this time be different?
China has vowed to reduce excessive competition and oversupply in its solar photovoltaic (PV) industry, which is continuing to explore global markets. Industry and Information Technology Minister Li Lecheng told 14 representatives from solar PV manufacturers and industry associations on Thursday that the 'industry must be governed in accordance with laws and regulations, and disorderly low-price competition should be comprehensively addressed', the ministry said in a statement released after their meeting in Beijing. 'Companies should be guided to improve product quality, promote the orderly phase-out of outdated production capacity, and achieve healthy and sustainable development,' Li said. On Tuesday, at a meeting of the Central Financial and Economic Affairs Commission, the country's top economic decision-making body, President Xi Jinping took aim at 'disorderly low-price competition' and ordered the removal of excess industrial capacity. At Thursday's meeting with Li, PV industry representatives talked about the difficulties they faced in production, innovation and competition, and offered suggestions for possible policy support, the ministry said. Li urged those present to have a 'comprehensive and objective view of the development landscape of the photovoltaic industry' to 'further consolidate and enhance' China's advantages in the industry.


HKFP
3 hours ago
- HKFP
Hong Kong legislature's proposed new code of conduct seeks to prohibit members from ‘vilifying' gov't
Hong Kong's Legislative Council (LegCo) has proposed a new code of conduct to ensure that lawmakers 'perform their duties in a constructive manner' and do 'not intentionally vilify the governance credibility' of the chief executive and the government. According to the proposed code submitted on Wednesday, lawmakers should not only 'sincerely support' the chief executive and the government in administering Hong Kong but also should not 'deliberately undermine or weaken the effectiveness of executive-led governance.' It also stipulates that legislators should attend meetings, participate in voting, maintain engagement with the public, and submit an annual work report. The proposed code lays down a five-tier sanctions system for violations, ranging from a written warning to suspension of duty and deduction of lawmakers' remuneration and allowances. To implement the code, the LegCo also proposes expanding the functions of the Committee on Members' Interests and renaming it the 'Legislative Council Supervisory Committee.' The revamped committee will have the power to investigate complaints against legislators and impose sanctions. Andrew Leung, president of the LegCo, told reporters on Thursday that the new code of conduct would not restrict legislators from speaking up. However, he reminded lawmakers to act carefully and 'not cross the red line.' Leung said the proposed code would be discussed in the House Committee on Friday and that he hoped it would take effect at the start of the new legislative term. Last month, the Hong Kong Economic Journal reported that lawmakers had been warned not to discuss four 'sensitive' issues, including delivery workers' rights, the dispute between the taxi industry and ride-hailing platforms, unknown black particles found in drinking water at two public residential estates in Fanling, and the reopening of a nightclub in Tsim Sha Tsui. In January last year, Chief Executive John Lee hit back at pro-establishment lawmaker Paul Tse, who criticised the 'high-pressure and high-profile' law enforcement actions in the city. Lee called Tse's wording 'dangerous' and said it reminded him of the language used by the opposition during the 2019 protests and unrest, as well as 'soft resistance.' In March 2021, Beijing passed legislation to ensure 'patriots' govern Hong Kong. The move reduced democratic representation in the legislature, tightened control of elections and introduced a pro-Beijing vetting panel to select candidates. The Hong Kong government said the overhaul would ensure the city's stability and prosperity. But the changes also prompted international condemnation, as it makes it near-impossible for pro-democracy candidates to stand.