
Directive principles serve as roadmap to ensure justice: CJI
Delivering a lecture on 'Constitution of India: The contribution of BR Ambedkar' on the occasion of Constitutional Awareness Week at Tagore Auditorium in Osmania University, justice Gavai said Article 32, which empowers citizens to approach the Supreme Court in case of violation of fundamental rights, was the heart and soul of the Constitution.
The CJI admitted that the Directive Principles of State Policy enshrined in the Constitution were non-enforceable in courts but they served as the moral compass of governance. 'They are not just empty words; they serve as a roadmap for legislators and executives to realise the promise of justice and equality,' he said.
Stating that there was a historical conflict between Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles, he referred to the landmark Kesavananda Bharati case of 1973, where the Supreme Court clarified that both must work in harmony as twin pillars of constitutional governance.
He described the Constitution as an instrument of social and economic transformation, as envisioned by Ambedkar. 'The Constitution is very dear to my heart,' the CJI said and explained its journey from the Objective Resolution in 1946 to its adoption in 1949. He credited Dr Ambedkar's leadership and intellectual rigour in shaping the foundational document of modern India.
He noted that while the Constitution of India was influenced by global models, it was tailored uniquely to India's needs, creating a single, unified legal framework unlike the dual systems seen in countries like the US. 'Ours is a strong federal structure with one Constitution applicable to all states and citizens,' he said.
Justice Gavai encouraged law graduates to uphold constitutional values and cautioned against pursuing foreign degrees under peer pressure, stressing the need to invest in and strengthen India's legal education system. 'Excellence lies in strong foundations, not just foreign credentials,' he advised.
Speaking on the occasion, justice Sujoy Paul, acting chief justice of Telangana high court, recalled Ambedkar's words that however good the Constitution may be, it can fail if those who implement it are not good. 'Likewise, even a bad Constitution can work well with good people.'
He noted how the Constitution, once criticised as being overly long and rigid, has proven remarkably resilient over 75 years. 'We, the people of India, adopted, enacted, and gave ourselves this Constitution. And we, the people, are also its keepers,' he added.
'Indian legal system badly in need of fixing'
Earlier, delivering the 22nd annual convocation address of the NALSAR University of Law at Shamirpet on the outskirts of Hyderabad, the Chief Justice of India said that the Indian legal system has been facing unique challenges and is badly in need of fixing.
'The country and its legal system are facing unique challenges like delays in trials which can sometimes go for decades. In certain cases, someone has been found innocent after spending years in jail as an under trial. It is badly in need of fixing,' he said.
He, however, said he was optimistic that his fellow citizens would rise to the occasion to meet the challenges.
'We must build nurturing academic environments, offer transparent and merit-based opportunities, and most importantly, restore dignity and purpose to legal research and training in India,' the CJI said.
He pointed out that it was not just enough to celebrate India's legal legacy but one must invest in its future, not only in institutions but in imagination, in mentorship programs, research fellowships, local innovation ecosystems and ethical workplaces that make the best minds want to stay or return.
'That future depends on how we treat our researchers, our young faculty and lawyers. Our best talent can help us resolve the problems that we are facing,' he said.
Justice Gavai advised the passing out graduates to seek mentors for the sake of integrity and not for their power.
Telangana chief minister A Revanth Reddy and Supreme Court judge Justice P S Narasimha also participated, while acting Telangana acting CJ justice Sujoy Paul presided.
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The Hindu
an hour ago
- The Hindu
Secularism — implicit from day one, explicit in 1976
'God is dead. God remains dead. And we have killed him. Yet his shadow still looms…', said Friedrich Nietzsche. As many as 66 Constitutions make some reference to God in their Preamble. True, Nehru led from the front in India's adoption of secularism. He explicitly said in his autobiography of how what he called 'organized religion' filled him 'with horror... almost always it seemed to stand for a blind belief and reaction, dogma and bigotry, superstition and exploitation'. Nehru's strong views on religion did play a significant role in India's choice of secular polity. Unlike today's politicians, he did not need religion to succeed in politics. 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Is the salvation of souls really the mandate of a modern state? British Political theorist John Locke in his famous 'A Letter Concerning Toleration' (1689) forcefully said no because the state was brought into existence only for 'procuring, preserving, and advancing' citizens' civil interests. Care of souls, he argued, was not given to the state because the state consists of only outward force while religion consists of the inward persuasion of mind. Roger Williams, the founder of Rhode Island, favoured separation of the church from the state to protect the garden of the church from the 'wilderness of secular order'. Secularism could triumph in the 18th century because reason triumphed over religions. While secularism is nothing but an idea of modernity, a non-secular theocratic state is the relic of the past. Even if we are fed up with modernity, the moot question is this: should we become a Saudi Arabia, an Iran or a Pakistan? An overwhelming majority of Hindus do not want to emulate these regressive countries. The importance of the Ashokan edicts Should we reject secularism because this term was not used in the original Constitution? To say that India's Constitution became secular in 1976 is a blatant lie. Like several other things borrowed from Ashoka the Great who ruled from 268-232 BC, the seeds of Indian secularism too can be traced back to Ashokan edicts. Rajeev Bhargava has written extensively on the significance of these edicts. Rejecting the idea of one particular religion as a state religion, Rock Edict 7 said that all religions should reside everywhere, for all of them desire self-control and purity of heart. One of the biggest problems of today's India is hate speech. Rock Edict 12 prohibited glorification of one's religion and condemnation of others' religions. Ashoka's dhamma was not religion but the principles of governance, i.e., constitutional morality and ethics that a king must follow. He favoured the acceptance and co-existence of different religions and went beyond mere toleration. The Motilal Nehru Committee's constitution (1928) which was the first attempt to draft the Constitution clearly stated in Clause 4(11) that 'there shall be no state religion for the Commonwealth of India or for any province in the Commonwealth, nor shall the state either directly or indirectly endow any religion or give any preference or impose any disability on account of religious belief or religious status'. The Karachi Resolution of the Congress in 1931 which presented the blueprint of a future Swaraj in Resolution no 2(9), specifically declared that the 'state shall maintain neutrality in regard to all religions'. Even the Hindu Mahasabha's draft constitution of 1944 with V.D. Savarkar's blessings too declared in explicit terms in Article 7(15) that 'there shall be no state religion or either centre or provinces.'. Why do we refuse to follow even Savarkar? On October 17, 1949 when the Preamble of the Constitution was under discussion in the Constituent Assembly, H.V. Kamath proposed that the Preamble should begin with the words 'in the name of God'. We should thank god that in an overwhelmingly religious country, god lost by 17 votes in a tally of 68 to 41. Similarly, the word 'secular' was not specifically included; yet, members, in one voice, spoke of it being a fait accompli of a liberal democratic constitution and consistent with the ideals of our freedom struggle. No member of the Constituent Assembly ever proposed a Hindu Rashtra including Syama Prasad Mookerjee. Three years prior to the insertion of the word secular, the Supreme Court had held secularism to be the basic structure in the Kesavananda Bharati case (1973). Silences of the Constitution are equally important. For instance, the words federal, judicial review, rule of law too have not been used in the Constitution. But these ideas have rightly been held as part of the basic structure. On the jurisdiction model If we are really fed up with the separation model of secularism, we should consider the jurisdiction model. We have several options from modern democracies. Certainly, we may declare in the Constitution that Hinduism (not Hindutva) is the dominant spiritual heritage of India — just like in England where the Anglican Church is the official Church of England and the king is the defender of faith but recognises equal rights to all citizens ensuring freedom of religion and prohibiting all discriminations on the basis of religion. The Irish Constitution is another model. Its Preamble begins with the name of the Most Holy Trinity, but the state cannot endow any religion or discriminate on religious grounds. Article 3 of the Greek Constitution declares the Greek Orthodox Church as the dominant religion. 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India's opposition to Pakistan was based on the separation of religion and state. The framers of the Constitution too intended a secular state, and not a theocratic state. Even the Bharatiya Janata Party has been insisting on its opposition to the Congress's negative secularism and used to promise positive secularism. If what was implicit from day one was merely made explicit in 1976, 'Humgama Hai Ku barpa (what is the fuss about')? Faizan Mustafa is a Constitutional Law expert and presently serving as the Vice-Chancellor of Chanakya National Law University, Patna, Bihar. The views expressed are personal


Time of India
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