VIT Mauritius signs MoU with Binghamton University, USA
The MoU was signed by Dr G Viswanathan, Founder & Chancellor of VIT & Dr Harvey G Stenger, President of Binghamton University (SUNY), New York, USA. The event was held at Binghamton campus in the presence of Nobel laureate Dr M Stanley Whittingham and various other senior leaders from both the institutions.
'This strategic MoU marks the beginning of a long-term collaboration between the two institutions that will pave way for the students to explore various academic opportunities at one of the leading institutions in the USA' quoted Dr G Viswanathan.
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Mint
12 hours ago
- Mint
The Mauritius miracle is losing its sheen
The Mont Choisy Golf and Beach Estate in the north of Mauritius was once a vast swathe of sugarcane, the centuries-old basis of the island's economy. Where African slaves and Indian indentured labourers used to toil, French and South African pensioners now mull over the merits of a five-iron on the 14th hole. The estate is a symbol of a huge change since Mauritius won independence in 1968. Back then it was as poor as the average African country. A Nobel economics laureate reckoned the 'outlook for peaceful development" was 'poor", given the island's diversity (Indo- and Sino-Mauritians mix with Creoles and people of French descent) and its reliance on a single crop. Yet today it has Africa's second-highest GDP per person at around $12,000, eight times the African average, behind only tiny Seychelles. Democratic governments have worked with business to sell ever more lucrative things apart from sugar: textiles, tourism, offshore finance—and fancy villas. Property accounts for 80% of foreign direct investment, mostly by foreigners buying houses in estates that come with residency status. Locals have renamed Grand Baie, a village in the north, 'Rand Baie", thanks to the South African influx. But trouble is in the air. In November Navin Ramgoolam became prime minister for the third time, trouncing Pravind Jugnauth. The new government has pledged to fix the public finances to stop credit-rating agencies downgrading sovereign bonds to junk status, jeopardising the island's reputation as a financial hub. 'We're in a classic middle-income trap," says Sushil Khushiram, a former minister. Under Mr Jugnauth, Mauritius's record of good governance took a knock. He banned social media before the election after leaked audio recordings embarrassed some in ruling circles, including his wife. In February he was charged with money laundering (he denies the charges). 'Ah, now you're a proper African country," an official says a friend from the continent joked to him. Under the previous government handouts became the norm: cash for new mothers; phone credit for 18- to 25-year-olds; an obligation for firms to pay an extra end-of-year bonus. The ratio of public debt to GDP this year will be 90%. The budget deficit is expected to widen to 6.6% of GDP. A local investor notes that the former finance minister was educated in France and 'it was as if he was running the French state". The World Bank has noted that Mauritius's traditional exports are less competitive. Annual sugar exports are under half their peak in the 1980s (preferential access to EU countries ended in 2009). Textile firms that flourished after the government gave incentives to sugar barons to go into garment-making have moved to lower-wage countries like Madagascar. Tourism, accounting for a fifth of jobs, is still crucial but visitor numbers remain below the peak of 2018. The average tourist spends 11.5% less than before covid-19. Financial services, the biggest contributor to GDP, have been hit since India renegotiated a tax treaty that had made Mauritius a big conduit of capital to that country. Mauritians worry their country will get old before it gets rich. The median age is 38 years, a decade older than India's and nearly twice the African average. By 2050 its population will fall from 1.3m to 1.1m, reckons the UN. Yet Mauritius still has reasons for hope. Its strategic location in the Indian Ocean should help it strike new deals with the West, China and India. Its taxes remain low; its rule of law and democratic culture are strong; its civil service and business ethos are impressive. 'We have to adapt," argues Dhaneshwar Damry, a junior finance minister. Mauritius must attract fintech firms, large funds and family offices. He notes that JPMorgan Chase is setting up in Kenya. 'But why not Mauritius?" Rama Sithanen, the central-bank governor, says Mauritius is like Queen's Park Rangers, an English second-tier football team. It outperforms in the lower divisions of development, but finds it hard to make it to the very top. Sign up to the Analysing Africa, a weekly newsletter that keeps you in the loop about the world's youngest—and least understood—continent.
Hindustan Times
a day ago
- Hindustan Times
The possibilities and limits of the Tamil Nadu model
Drawing attention to the sharp differences in incomes across developing countries, the Nobel-winning economist Robert Lucas had suggested that we should see these differences as possibilities. 'Is there some action a government of India could take that would lead the Indian economy to grow like Indonesia's or Egypt's?' Lucas wrote in an oft-cited 1988 paper (the Indian economy was considered a global developmental laggard then). 'If so, what, exactly? If not, what is it about the 'nature of India' that makes it so? The consequences for human welfare involved in questions like these are simply staggering: Once one starts to think about them, it is hard to think about anything else.' Looking at the stark differences in incomes and human development indicators across Indian states, similar questions come to mind: Is there something that Uttar Pradesh could do to grow like Tamil Nadu or Maharashtra? If so, what exactly? If not, why not? Such questions have gained greater salience as inter-state disparities have widened in recent years. Some economists and policy wonks seem to have found an ideal growth 'model' in the state of Tamil Nadu. With manufacturing accounting for a quarter of the state's economic output, Tamil Nadu is seen as a desi version of Vietnam. Former chief economic advisor Arvind Subramanian has argued that the Tamil Nadu model could be adopted by other states to improve their industrial performance. Venture capitalist-turned-philanthropist Ashish Dhawan has also made similar arguments, praising the role of the state government in hand-holding new investors. Compared to other industrialised states such as Haryana or Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu has more impressive attainments in health and educational outcomes. That makes it more attractive as a developmental model compared to either Kerala (which lacks a modern industrial base) or Gujarat (which has relatively poorer human development outcomes), economist Pranab Bardhan has argued. What lies behind Tamil Nadu's developmental success? A part of the answer lies in the unique political economy of the state. The two major Dravidian parties share a common heritage and have adopted similar policy positions on key socio-economic issues. Both parties were born out of an anti-Brahminical movement going back to the British Raj, and have sought to empower the intermediate castes (OBCs). As some of these communities transitioned from traditional farm-based activities to modern businesses, they received bipartisan support from the state's politicians. Entrepreneurs were never seen as 'class enemies' to begin with, and continue to enjoy greater social legitimacy than in many other parts of the country. Dravidian ideologues advocated industrialisation and modernisation of the economy so that Tamil society could break free from the shackles of caste-based occupations and hierarchical traditions, economists Kalaiyarasan A and Vijayabaskar M wrote in their 2021 book, The Dravidian Model. The Dravidian ideologues envisioned a democratisation of capitalist activities, and promoted the interests of local businessmen, the duo argue. The pro-business tilt in the state's policy stance has endured despite a series of corruption scandals over the past three decades. Any state-level policymaker who wishes to emulate the Tamil Nadu model must also note its limits. Over the past decade, Tamil Nadu's share in manufacturing employment has declined even as those of other states have increased. While the organised manufacturing sector has grown rapidly, the unorganised sector seems to have languished. Since the unorganised sector employs more people, the gains in employment have been much less impressive than the gains in manufacturing output. Second, despite the state government's significant investments in health and education, a growing section of the state's population has been turning to private educational and health care providers in search of better quality, as Kalaiyarasan and Vijayabaskar note. Third, the state government's OBC-friendly tilt in social policies seem to have benefited some sub-castes (or jatis) much more than others. For instance, in 2007, Tamil Nadu abolished the common entrance test (CET) for admissions to professional courses since it was deemed to favour socially privileged communities (who could afford private coaching). While the move helped widen access to technical education, it is the better-off communities within OBCs that gained most, a 2019 analysis by R Srinivasan and N Raghunath showed. Despite these limitations, Tamil Nadu's track record in delivering inclusive growth remains better than most other states. The southern state offers useful lessons for other regions. However, it may not be easy to replicate the Dravidian model in toto, since that model rests on an unique demographic endowment. Most Tamils belong to lower caste groups and hence it has been relatively easy to build a consensus in favour of egalitarian policies in the state. Upper castes account for only 2% of Tamil Nadu's population according to the last National Family Health Survey. In states such as Uttar Pradesh — where upper castes account for nearly a fourth of the population — the Dravidian model may not be easy to implement. Yet, if Uttar Pradesh were to achieve a (Tamil Nadu-style) political consensus on socio-economic reforms, it will find it easier to generate inclusive growth. Pramit Bhattacharya is a Chennai-based journalist. The views expressed are personal.
Time of India
2 days ago
- Time of India
Instant Scholar: Development as freedom - an India perspective by Amartya Sen
When Nobel laureate Amartya Sen published Development as Freedom in 1999, he reshaped the global discourse on economic development. Moving away from the narrow focus on income or GDP, Sen argued that freedom is both the primary objective and the principal means of development. His thesis laid the foundation for what is now termed the capability approach, a framework that sees development as the expansion of people's capabilities—their real freedoms to lead the kind of lives they have reason to value. Nowhere is this framework more relevant than in India, a country grappling with economic disparity, social stratification, and democratic aspirations. Sen's insights, drawn partly from his own experiences growing up in British India and later as an economist engaged with policymaking, offer a moral and philosophical compass for India's journey toward inclusive development. Freedom as the Ends and Means of Development At the heart of Sen's thesis is a simple but radical idea: development is the process of expanding human freedoms. These freedoms are not just political or civil but also include economic opportunities, access to education and healthcare, social inclusion , and protective security. Sen identifies five types of instrumental freedoms: by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Dementia Has Been Linked To a Common Habit. Do You Do It? Memory Health Learn More Undo Political freedoms – Free speech, democratic participation, and accountability. Economic facilities – Access to resources, employment, and production. Social opportunities – Education, healthcare, gender equality. Transparency guarantees – Institutional openness, trust in governance. Protective security – Social safety nets for the vulnerable. These components are interconnected; for instance, education enhances economic opportunity, which in turn strengthens political participation. In India, where disparities are vast, ensuring access to these freedoms remains a central development challenge. India's Economic Growth: Unequal and Unjust? India has experienced substantial GDP growth over the past few decades, particularly after the liberalisation reforms of 1991. However, Sen cautions that growth without human development is incomplete. In his words, 'there is no automatic connection between economic growth and human freedom.' India's progress is often undermined by stark contrasts. On one hand, it is the world's fifth-largest economy; on the other, it continues to grapple with malnutrition, illiteracy, poor health outcomes, and widening inequality. The National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5) reports show that over one-third of Indian children are stunted, and anemia affects more than half of women aged 15–49. Sen critiques India's overreliance on trickle-down economics, arguing that public investment in health and education has been insufficient. 'India has managed to achieve economic growth with a disgraceful neglect of the social sector,' he once noted. This mismatch is precisely what the Development as Freedom approach seeks to correct. Public Policy through the Capability Lens Sen's framework reframes the role of the state. Rather than acting merely as an enabler of market growth, the state should actively expand citizens' capabilities—what they can do and be. This implies a rights-based approach to policy design: education, healthcare, food, and employment are not handouts but entitlements. Some Indian policy innovations reflect this shift: The Right to Education Act (RTE) gave legal teeth to the notion of education as a fundamental right. The National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) empowered the rural poor with wage-based employment and social dignity. The Public Distribution System (PDS) and the National Food Security Act aimed to ensure food as a right, not a charity. While these policies have had implementation challenges, they represent a shift toward institutionalising freedom and capability—a central theme in Sen's work. Democracy and Public Reason in Indian Context Sen places high value on democracy not just as a form of government but as a form of public reasoning. He argues that political freedoms and open debate enable societies to prioritise people's real needs. This has direct implications for India, the world's largest democracy, where the freedom to dissent and discuss shapes the developmental agenda. A well-known illustration is his argument that famines do not occur in functioning democracies. Drawing from India's experience, Sen showed that democratic institutions—free press, electoral competition, civil society—act as checks against catastrophic failures. The Bengal famine of 1943, which occurred under British colonial rule, contrasts with India's post-independence record, where mass starvation has been largely absent despite recurring droughts. Yet, Sen warns that democracy in form is not enough. In recent years, concerns over democratic backsliding in India—curbs on press freedom, judicial independence, and civil liberties—threaten the very instruments that ensure equitable development. For Sen, democracy must remain inclusive, participatory, and deliberative, not just majoritarian. Gender Justice and Social Inclusion Another area where Development as Freedom intersects sharply with Indian realities is gender justice. Sen famously coined the phrase 'missing women' to describe the millions of girls and women whose lives are cut short due to gender-based discrimination—through sex-selective abortion, inadequate healthcare, and systemic neglect. In India, despite progress in female literacy and labour participation, deeply embedded patriarchal norms still restrict women's freedoms. The capability approach demands not only formal equality but substantive freedom—real choices and empowerment. This is seen in movements pushing for women's reservation in legislatures, greater access to healthcare, and stronger protections against gender-based violence. Sen's framework also encourages reflection on caste, tribal identity, and religion—factors that shape social exclusion in India. He calls for policies that enhance the capabilities of marginalised communities, not merely by offering quotas or subsidies but by improving foundational systems like education, nutrition, and justice delivery. COVID-19 and the Fragility of Freedoms The COVID-19 pandemic laid bare the vulnerabilities in India's developmental model. Millions of migrant workers were stranded during lockdowns, lacking basic food, shelter, or transport. The healthcare system was overwhelmed, and education access declined sharply due to the digital divide. Sen, along with fellow economist Jean Drèze, wrote during the pandemic that India needed to prioritise universal access to healthcare, employment support, and education continuity, not just economic stimulus. The crisis reaffirmed the urgency of investing in human capabilities to build a more resilient and equitable society. The Global Impact and Continued Relevance Beyond India, Development as Freedom has influenced UNDP's Human Development Index, World Bank policy papers, and numerous national development strategies. In India, its relevance has only deepened. As the country eyes a future of technological prowess and global influence, Sen reminds us that true development is not about what a country produces, but about what its people are free to become. From climate resilience to AI ethics, from rural health to urban inequality—India's policy questions today demand a framework that is moral, inclusive, and human-centred. Sen provides that foundation. Towards a Freedom-Centred Future Amartya Sen's Development as Freedom challenges India to rethink its development model—not as a race for GDP growth but as a commitment to human dignity, equality, and justice. In a country of 1.4 billion people with immense diversity and disparity, the real challenge is not just how to grow, but how to grow with freedom. India's development story will be richer and more just when it is rooted in the expansion of freedoms—for women and men, for rich and poor, for urban and rural, for all castes and communities. Sen's vision is not just an economic theory; it is a call to action for democratic India to fulfil the promises it made in its Constitution—liberty, equality, and fraternity—for every citizen. Read full text: 'Instant Scholar' is a Times of India initiative to make academic research accessible to a wider audience. If you are a Ph.D. scholar and would like to publish a summary of your research in this section, please share a summary and authorisation to publish it. For submission, and any question on this initiative, write to us at instantscholar@ Ready to navigate global policies? Secure your overseas future. Get expert guidance now!
