How to make cooking for one and solo dining a joy not a chore
According to Census data, single-person homes make up nearly a quarter of all households in New Zealand, a proportion that's been climbing steadily for decades. And with rising rent, high food prices and the pervasive belief that 'cooking for one isn't worth it', it's no surprise
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Time of India
12 hours ago
- Time of India
Why affirmative action means more than Just quotas
The notification for the conduct of the next population Census has been issued. While the schedule for the collection of data is yet to be finalised, the government has announced that the collection of caste details will be part of the operation. Ostensibly, it is to find the socioeconomic profile of castes so as to take suitable affirmative action. Unfortunately, in common parlance, affirmative action has come to mean 'providing reservations as per the socio-economic condition of a caste'. While one should support any attempt to ameliorate the status of the marginalised communities, it must be noted that the 'provision of reservation' is not the only affirmative action. In fact, it should be the last resort to support the most deprived sections. Babasaheb Ambedkar has argued that reservations should not become the rule or apply to the majority, but rather be an exceptional measure to support the most disadvantaged. For Ambedkar, educating the marginalised is the surest way out of repression. SR Sankaran, the legendary Indian bureaucrat often remembered as the "People's IAS Officer" and a champion of social welfare and justice, particularly for Dalits, tribals, bonded labourers, and other marginalised groups, recognised this fact and set up an affirmative system for all to follow. He argued that there has to be a context-specific model of support that aligns affirmative action strategies with the type of deprivation faced. The Deprivation and Affirmative Action Model (DAM), followed therein has used differentiated interventions as per deprivation levels: free education for the economically deprived, residential schooling for those geographically isolated and enriched mentoring and psychological support for the socially and emotionally marginalised. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Join new Free to Play WWII MMO War Thunder War Thunder Play Now Undo SR Sankaran was instrumental in setting up the Social Welfare Residential Schools in Andhra Pradesh in 1983. The idea was to provide highest-quality education to the poorest children by setting up Social Welfare Residential Schools. Unlike social welfare hostels (which are present in all states and often badly managed), these residential schools offer an immersive educational ecosystem. A close-knit arrangement nurtures confidence and aspirations-two qualities historically stripped from the marginalised. With over 268 schools and colleges in Telangana and 308 schools in Andhra Pradesh, the social welfare residential schools provide enriched education to more than 2.75 lakh students, nearly all of whom come from highly disadvantaged backgrounds. An exclusive society has been created for managing the institutions, recruitment of teachers and for constant monitoring of the quality of education. Over time, the schools flowered into intermediate, degree and professional education through specialised institutions like Centres of Excellence (CoEs), Sainik Schools, Law and Pharmacy Colleges and Fine Arts Colleges. Live Events Teachers in this system are not merely facilitators but pivotal agents of change. Recruitment is handled through a specialised board, and professional development is continuous through initiatives like the Professional Learning for Educators Series (PLES) in collaboration with Khan Academy. Programmes like IMPACT bring parents to schools for dialogues on social issues, while QUEST encourages teachers to visit students' homes, deepening the bond between school and society. The results speak volumes. These schools consistently outperformed the state average in both Class 10 and Class 12 board examinations. Moreover, their students have secured prestigious seats in IITs and medical colleges through NEET, often at nearly double the state average success rate. Some students have even been selected for international exchange programmes and scholarships, highlighting the global competitiveness instilled by the programme. The Society invests heavily in holistic development through programmes like Youth Parliament, sports competitions and adventure camps. Confidence-building activities such as public speaking, cultural festivals and exposure to national and international travel have been embedded into the curriculum. The support of the state governments for residential schools has been pivotal. Governments are convinced that fighting deprivation requires adequate investments; the cost per student has been more than Rs 1.5 lakh per year. Governments have consistently posted highly committed officers like RS Praveen Kumar as head of the Society and given them functional freedom. The social welfare residential schools proved, over the past 40 years, that by providing enriched education, even the most marginalised can be empowered to compete with others. It shatters the myth that excellence is the domain of the privileged. States and educational policymakers must internalise this lesson: social justice in education is not just about access, or about reservations, but about the quality, dignity and the empowerment it ensures. If the goal is to undo centuries of exclusion in a single generation, low-cost, one-size-fits-all approach, it won't suffice. The marginalised deserve the best. The Government of India has recognised the merit of this model and chiselled Ekalavya schools for tribals in the same mould. As the country goes into caste-based Census 2027, affirmative models like this shall get the first nod for forging social justice.
Time of India
16 hours ago
- Time of India
Plea against delimitation process in Kochi corp
Kochi: T K Ashraf, councillor of the Mattanchery division (division 5) of the Kochi corporation and chairman of the corporation's health standing committee, has approached high court challenging the delimitation process in the corporation. The bench of Justice C S Dias, while considering the petition, observed that the delimitation notification of the corporation would be subject to the outcome of the petition and adjourned the matter to July 29. In his petition, Ashraf raised several objections to the delimitation proceedings of the Kochi corporation. He pointed out that, according to the 2011 Census, the total population of the Kochi corporation is 6.33 lakh, whereas the draft delimitation notification reflects a population of only 6.02 lakh, indicating an unexplained shortfall of 31,000 people. He contended that this discrepancy renders the delimitation exercise arbitrary and legally unsustainable. Ashraf also specifically challenged the cancellation of the Mattanchery division, which had a population of 10,144 as per the 2011 Census.
The Hindu
20 hours ago
- The Hindu
Ravi Mishra on India's 2026 Delimitation Crisis
Published : Jun 28, 2025 15:00 IST - 7 MINS READ High-voltage political conflicts have become the gladiator sport of our times. More often than not, the underlying issues are entirely frivolous or made-up. On rare occasions, they are non-trivial. The upcoming exercise of delimitation of constituencies for the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies (based on the first Census after 2026) is one such true conundrum that defies easy solutions. It also has two sides directly in conflict with each other with much to gain and lose; it is that rare issue that is real, complex, and extremely volatile which results in a ratings bonanza. As a consequence, we have not only had the predictable shouting matches and political campaigns, there have also been several scholars grappling with the underlying issue of late. Indeed, it raises serious questions of fairness regarding the raison d'être of the Indian Union. Most scholars who have explored the issue thus far have been political scientists or psephologists or others with a background in quantitative methods. A few lawyers have examined this issue as well. Scholars so far have looked at the problem as is, and have looked at its fairness versus unfairness implications—that is, the population of North India has grown exponentially faster than South India since the freezing of the delimitation exercise in 1976. The entire reason for the freeze was to ensure that this population divergence did not become a perverse incentive against the policy initiative on population control. Except, that is exactly what has happened and we are now in a pickle. Also Read | Delimitation: Facts, fears, and the future We have two bad options. The first is that we can punish success and reward failure by changing the current representation as the Constitution mandates it. This would rob southern India of its current representation edge, which it achieved through stabilising its population, and equalise that representation with North India which has not stabilised its population. The second is that we condemn much of North India to suffer the consequences of decades of bad governance of the past into the future as well, by retaining the current ratios of representation. In his latest book, Demography Representation Delimitation: The North-South Divide in India, Ravi K. Mishra attempts to bring in a historian's approach to the problem. His hypothesis is interesting. He argues that the starting point of using the 1971 Census data is incorrect and arbitrary. He argues that the populations of southern India grew much faster in the late 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, whereas the Indo-Gangetic plains did not grow as fast; he therefore suggests the late 20th century and early 21st century is when North India gets to grow fast again when the south does not. And therefore, his reasoning is that we should not punish north India for this cyclical nature of population growth. Demography Representation Delimitation: The North-South Divide in India Ravi K. Mishra Westland Non-Fiction Pages: 558 Price: Rs.999 The problem with Mishra's argument, however, is that he does not prove this cyclical nature of population growth with any certainty even though he spends two-thirds of the book on exactly that. It is here that one realises that using quantitative methods to drive a point forward is a skill. Mishra, who trained as a historian, seems to go in circles and does not quite land the argument. Mishra's analysis of population, population density, their movement thereof from decade to decade since 1871 is an exercise that adds little value. He starts by hand-wavy apportioning of certain populations to parts that now are in Bangladesh or Pakistan. This lack of rigour in handling data irks the reader trained in quantitative methods. Some important States, like Tamil Nadu, throw up data that run entirely counter to his argument. Tamil Nadu is also the State that has been the most vocal about delimitation in 2025. Yet, Mishra seems to completely ignore the implication of that. He uses regression analysis where a simple bar chart would have worked; and uses decade-by-decade explanatory analysis where a regression analysis would have added more value. So far, these are errors of omission. One can probably excuse Mishra because historians are not trained in regression analysis or in random processes. But what is inexcusable is how the analysis on fertility rate, the reason for population growth and its divergence, is entirely missing. That, even a sympathetic reader would think, is an error in bad faith. The population of a given place in the modern world, where death rates have stabilised and we no longer have famines, wars and plague, is driven by fertility rates. That is, how many children does each woman give birth to. And more importantly, this metric of total fertility rate (TFR) is perfectly correlated with the number of years of formal education that girl children get. And that is a metric of governance. For instance, if it is true that there is a cyclical nature to this population growth, why should we stop with one cycle going backward? Is it not likely that there were more? And if that is the case, what stops these cycles from being an infinite regress? If they indeed are, it only points to these societies—northern and southern India respectively—having rates of growth that are unlikely to converge for good in the future either. Which then means these societies are fundamentally distinct and therefore cannot be in a single political union where 'one person, one vote' is a foundational principle. The onus of proving this cycle is a 'once-in-the-history-of-mankind' event rests with Mishra. He gives no such proof. 'What do we do when we have two sets of societies in a single Union, each with a massively divergent TFR and different development trajectories? Especially when that TFR is driven by differences in access to school education for girls, which was a policy choice of these very societies. ' Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka, and Telangana have achieved low TFR like every other society in the rest of the world has: by sending girls to school. This is true for societies as vastly different as Iran and Sri Lanka. What Mishra should have done is, taken the TFR of these States from 1947 through the current period and plotted them against the number of years of schooling that girl children got in each of them. That would have told him the truth: it does not matter what the base population is or what the population density was; what matters is whether the given State sent its girl children to school. That is why Tamil Nadu's TFR crashed in the decade after M.G. Ramachandran relaunched the mid-day meal scheme in 1982. That policy resulted in gender parity in terms of Gross Enrollment Ratio in schools which had the unintended consequence of a falling TFR. Also Read | Delimitation debate: Why southern States fear losing political voice after 2026 When it comes to looking at representation and delimitation, the question is not whether the representation index of people in North India is worse than those of South India. Or whether it has been worsening in the last 50 years when the delimitation exercise has been frozen. Mishra answers these questions after an analysis; but that is tautological. Of course it has been worsening. That is how arithmetic works. If we have the numerator as a constant and have the denominator increasing faster for one group as compared to the other, the group with the larger denominator is going to have a smaller index. The real question is: what do we do when we have two sets of societies in a single Union, each with a massively divergent TFR and different development trajectories? Especially when that TFR is driven by differences in access to school education for girls, which was a policy choice of these very societies. Mishra finishes the book without ever considering the question. One unintended consequence of Mishra's analysis is that he strengthens the idea of these various societies that constitute the Indian Union as being distinct and different in terms of their history and culture. And therefore their population growth trajectories are different. Their politics and policy choices, which affected the population growth, are also different. If we want to force them into a single political Union, we are going to have problems. We can either be fair to some and unfair to others or be unfair to everyone. If fairness to everyone is a yardstick, we have no option but to radically decentralise the Union. Nilakantan R.S. is a data scientist and the author of South vs North: India's Great Divide.
