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A New Mural in France Shows the Statue of Liberty Covering Her Eyes in a Swipe at Trump

A New Mural in France Shows the Statue of Liberty Covering Her Eyes in a Swipe at Trump

Yomiuri Shimbun18-07-2025
ROUBAIX, France (AP) — As statements go, it's a big one.
A towering mural in France of the Statue of Liberty covering her eyes is racking up millions of views online with its swipe at U.S. President Donald Trump 's immigration and deportation policies.
Amsterdam-based street artist Judith de Leeuw described her giant work in the northern French town of Roubaix, which has a large immigrant community, as 'a quiet reminder of what freedom should be.'
She said 'freedom feels out of reach' for migrants and 'those pushed to the margins, silenced, or unseen.'
'I painted her covering her eyes because the weight of the world has become too heavy to witness. What was once a shining symbol of liberty now carries the sorrow of lost meaning,' de Leeuw wrote in a July 4 post on Facebook, when Americans were celebrating Independence Day.
Her depiction of the Statue of Liberty, a gift from the French people in the late 1800s, has inspired some sharp criticism.
Rep. Tim Burchett, a Republican lawmaker from Tennessee, wrote in an angry post on X that the work 'disgusts me.' He said he had an uncle who fought and died in France, where U.S. forces saw combat in both World War I and World War II.
In an interview with The Associated Press, de Leeuw was unapologetic.
'I'm not offended to be hated by the Donald Trump movement. I am not sorry. This is the right thing to do,' she said.
The town stood by the work, with its deputy mayor in charge of cultural affairs, Frédéric Lefebvre, telling broadcaster France 3 that 'it's a very strong and powerful political message.'
Since returning to the White House amid anti-immigration sentiment, Trump has launched an unprecedented campaign that has pushed the limits of executive power and clashed with federal judges trying to restrain him. People from various countries have been deported to remote and unrelated places like South Sudan and the small African nation of Eswatini.
Polling by Gallup released last week showed an increasing number of Americans who said immigration is a 'good thing' and decreasing support for the type of mass deportations Trump has championed since before he was elected.
The mural in Roubaix is part of an urban street culture festival backed by the town. Roubaix is one of the poorest towns in France. It was economically devastated by the collapse since the 1970s of its once-flourishing textile industry that used to attract migrant workers from elsewhere in Europe, north Africa and beyond.
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Increased Imports of U.S. Rice Likely to Have Limited Impact in Japan; Aircraft Agreement, LNG Project May Cause Issues
Increased Imports of U.S. Rice Likely to Have Limited Impact in Japan; Aircraft Agreement, LNG Project May Cause Issues

Yomiuri Shimbun

time5 hours ago

  • Yomiuri Shimbun

Increased Imports of U.S. Rice Likely to Have Limited Impact in Japan; Aircraft Agreement, LNG Project May Cause Issues

The outline of the Japan-U.S. trade and investment agreement announced Wednesday by the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump included key U.S. demands such as increased imports of U.S. rice and other agricultural products and the purchase of about 100 commercial aircraft. Questions have been raised about the feasibility of some elements of the deal, such as a proposed joint project on Alaskan liquefied natural gas. Imports of U.S. rice were a major focus during the bilateral negotiations. Japan annually imports 770,000 tons of rice tariff-free under a 'minimum access' framework. Tokyo and Washington have agreed the proportion of these imports allocated to U.S. rice will be expanded by 75%. 'The total rice import quota won't increase,' Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Minister Shinjiro Koizumi told reporters Thursday. 'During the negotiations, we achieved our goal of keeping the quota at its current level.' Koizumi insisted the impact of the deal on domestic rice farmers would be imported 346,000 tons of U.S.-grown rice under the minimum access framework in fiscal 2024, accounting for 45% of the quota. Boosting the U.S. share by 75% would lift the volume of tariff-free U.S. rice imports to about 600,000 tons, or almost 80% of the total. If realized, imports of rice from Thailand, Australia, China and other nations would be reduced and the framework would be heavily tilted in favor of the United States. As things stand, 670,000 tons of the rice imported under the framework is used as animal feed or for processing. If the proportion of rice set aside for these two uses stays unchanged even after imports of U.S. tariff-free rice are increased, the impact on consumers is likely to be small. Japan will also purchase $8 billion (about ¥1.2 trillion) in U.S. agricultural products including corn, soybeans and fertilizer. Japan's imports from the United States in 2024 included about ¥459.3 billion worth of corn and about ¥187.6 billion worth of soybeans. It may be challenging to increase the imports from the current level. The imported corn is expected to be used for feed as well as fuels such as bioethanol, and some in the government view achieving the increase as not difficult. 'Increasing these imports won't present any problem,' a senior Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Ministry official told The Yomiuri Shimbun. 100 aircraft The Trump administration also leaned on the Japanese government to purchase about 100 commercial aircraft manufactured by Boeing Co. Major Japanese airlines will be paying close attention. Airline companies have been increasing orders for aircraft as they boost international and domestic routes due to the growth in inbound tourism and other factors. In the past two years or so, three of Japan's major airlines have announced plans to purchase a total of about 100 aircraft. A large aircraft has a price tag of tens of billions of yen. Airlines must carefully consider aircraft purchases while taking into account the fact that some have a service life of about 20 years. If airlines are forced to order more aircraft than they need in the years ahead to uphold the Japan-U.S. agreement, there are concerns that profits could deteriorate. In some cases, an aircraft accident or fault can result in an airline grounding and being unable to use any of that model of aircraft while they are inspected. To mitigate this risk, airlines also possess planes made by Europe's Airbus SE and other manufacturers. However, this balance could be upset if orders become heavily skewed toward Boeing. Some observers have also pointed out that Boeing's production capacity might not be able to keep up with a surge in orders arising from the agreement. Alaska LNG project The Alaska LNG project will involve building a massive new pipeline stretching about 1,300 kilometers from the state's north down to its Pacific coast in the south. Once completed, this pipeline project is forecast to export 20 million tons of LNG per year, equivalent to 30% of Japan's annual demand. If the pipeline becomes a reality, LNG could be shipped from Alaska to Japan in about eight days, about half the time it takes LNG from the Middle East to reach Japan. This project also offers the advantage of diversifying Japan's LNG suppliers. 'The route doesn't pass through any areas with geopolitical risks,' said Yukio Kani, chair of JERA Co., Japan's largest power generation company. 'It's a fantastic concept.' The biggest challenge facing this project is the cost. The pipeline will need to navigate three mountain ranges and 800 rivers and streams, and development is projected to cost about $44 billion (about ¥6.4 trillion). One official at a major power generation company was apprehensive about the pipeline project. 'The project will need to gain the understanding of locals concerned about its impact on the environment. The risks are too high,' the official said.

France Refocuses Its Indo-Pacific Strategy Amid a Shifting Global Order
France Refocuses Its Indo-Pacific Strategy Amid a Shifting Global Order

The Diplomat

time7 hours ago

  • The Diplomat

France Refocuses Its Indo-Pacific Strategy Amid a Shifting Global Order

France's updated Indo-Pacific strategy, unveiled shortly after President Emmanuel Macron's May tour of Vietnam, Indonesia, and Singapore, is less about grand announcements than it is about realism. It reflects a France that is recalibrating in the face of mounting geopolitical and economic constraints. The release marks the third iteration of France's Indo-Pacific vision since 2019. The last update, in 2022, came on the heels of the AUKUS shock — which saw Australia abruptly cancel a French submarine contract in favor of U.S.- and U.K.-backed nuclear subs — and coincided with the European Union's own adoption of an Indo-Pacific strategy. France, then presiding over the EU Council, hosted the first EU Indo-Pacific Forum just two days before Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The world has not been the same since. The new Indo-Pacific document, shaped in the wake of the updated French National Strategic Review, should be read as a strategy for times of crisis, reflecting the severe deterioration of the international order in recent years – the war in Ukraine, escalating Middle East tensions, intensifying China-U.S. rivalry, and political unrest in France's overseas territories. In this context, this article seeks to answer this question: how can France sustain its engagement in the Indo-Pacific — a region vital to global economic growth and strategic balance — under such tight economic and geopolitical constraints? Sovereignty First One key answer lies in a sharp refocusing of France's approach around the protection of its own sovereign interests in the Indo-Pacific, namely its overseas territories and the country's vast maritime domain – France holds the second-largest Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) in the world, 90 percent of which is in the Indo-Pacific. This point is critical: it is France's overseas territories that underpin its legitimacy as a resident Indo-Pacific nation. In addition, La Réunion, New Caledonia, and French Polynesia host sovereignty forces that play a significant, well-recognized, and valued role in security cooperation within their respective neighborhoods. At the same time, these territories face growing vulnerabilities and mounting threats – from climate insecurity and resource predation to transnational crime, foreign interference, and disinformation. The Indo-Pacific strategy devotes substantial attention to these territories – their challenges, needs, and agency – clearly addressing past criticism that they had been sidelined by a Paris-centric approach. This time, the strategy emphasizes co-construction, implementation coordination, and the tangible benefits that overseas territories can derive in terms of sustainable development and regional engagement. These priorities align with another central pillar of France's approach: the promotion of multilateralism, notably through active participation in and empowerment of regional organizations. That said, the document stays silent on certain sensitive issues – chiefly, the question of decolonization. Uncertainty remains about the future status of New Caledonia, as the recently agreed Bougival Accord that proposes creating a 'State of New Caledonia' within the French Republic still has to be endorsed by the FLNKS, the principal pro-independence coalition. Partnerships and Multidimensional Engagement A second notable feature of the new strategy is its emphasis on partnerships and a comprehensive, multidimensional – rather than purely military – approach, in light of constrained resources. By leveraging strategic partnerships, France seeks to amplify its efforts to uphold international law, ensure freedom of navigation, and respond to transnational risks. Key partners are named: India, Japan, Australia, Indonesia, Singapore, Vietnam, South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates. A full chapter is dedicated to the so-called 'sovereignty partnerships' by which France aims to strengthen the capacity, autonomy, and resilience of its regional partners, enabling them to better withstand hegemonic pressures and make sovereign decisions. It resonates with the 'coalition of independents' suggested by Macron in his landmark speech at the Shangri-La Dialogue in May. Interestingly, and somewhat surprisingly, if the text mentions the frequent military deployments in the region – building trust with partners is key to secure a stronghold and enable French long-distance military dispatch – there is no reference to industrial defense cooperation, actually a cornerstone of France's Indo-Pacific engagement. This omission may reflect a deliberate effort to downplay the military dimension within this whole-of-government strategy – an aspect that has, until now, been the most visible and widely recognized feature of France's Indo-Pacific posture. A dedicated defense strategy for the region is expected to be developed separately at the ministerial level. The Indo-Pacific document underscores France's broad and multifaceted engagement in the region. It promotes cooperation in sustainable development, climate adaptation, connectivity, and health, while highlighting the mutual benefits of partnerships to advance digital and green transitions, trade, and the security, resilience, and de-risking of supply chains. The message is clear: France's presence in the Indo-Pacific serves regional stability but also its own economic interests, to mobilize the private sector. In this light, the updated strategy underscores synergy with the broader European strategy – crucial given the EU's exclusive competence over trade policy – and highlights that the EU and its member states are the leading providers of development aid, foreign direct investment, and trade in the Indo-Pacific. References to instruments such as the Global Gateway and efforts to deepen ties with the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) reinforce the notion that France's Indo-Pacific approach is aligned with, and strengthened by, collective European initiatives. Sharper Tone Toward China – But Strategic Autonomy Remains Perhaps the most notable shift in the new strategy is France's more explicit criticism of China, mentioning Beijing's 'growing assertiveness,' the rapid buildup of the People's Liberation Army, and its advancing nuclear capabilities. It warns that a high-intensity conflict in the Taiwan Strait would carry major global consequences – marking the first time France's Indo-Pacific strategy has so clearly and directly addressed the Taiwan issue. The document also implicitly targets China in its references to unilateral reinterpretations of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and to 'certain arbitration decisions not being respected,' a clear allusion to Beijing's rejection of the 2016 South China Sea ruling. Beyond the region, the document explicitly acknowledges China's role as a facilitator of Russian aggression since 2022. For the first time, France's Indo-Pacific strategy also refers to NATO, calling on 'regional powers to act responsibly by not supporting Russia's war effort or undermining European security.' While France has consistently opposed a greater NATO role in the Indo-Pacific, this reference marks a shift in tone. The rhetoric echoes Macron's recent speech in Singapore, where he reaffirmed and warned that China's inaction – especially on North Korean participation in the Ukraine war – could invite greater NATO involvement. At the same time, the strategy reaffirms France's key position of strategic autonomy, advocating for a 'close and rigorous' dialogue with China at the highest level, while seeking convergence on global challenges 'when possible.' Vis-à-vis the United States, France reaffirms its posture as 'allied but not aligned.' The strategy expresses concerns over U.S. President Donald Trump's 'peace through strength' approach, his containment-driven China policy, and a transactional diplomacy that risks disrupting regional alliances and economic stability. A Realist Strategy for Turbulent Times Strictly speaking, the document does not constitute a full-fledged strategy, as it lacks a clear articulation of objectives, means, and a dedicated budget. It reflects a conservative posture shaped by tighter geopolitical and fiscal constraints, with a clear intention to showcase France's concrete engagement – though at times this approach makes it resemble a catalogue of ongoing initiatives. This sober, pragmatic approach is welcome, reflecting an effort to make France's Indo-Pacific presence more coherent, credible, and realistically aligned with its actual resources. Ultimately, the strategy aims to build lasting legitimacy by grounding rhetoric in tangible national priorities and constraints, while avoiding overpromising that could lead to disappointment. More grounded and restrained than earlier versions, it embodies hard lessons learned and seeks a careful balance between ambition and limitations.

Amid Epstein furor, Ghislaine Maxwell seeks relief from U.S. Supreme Court
Amid Epstein furor, Ghislaine Maxwell seeks relief from U.S. Supreme Court

Japan Times

time8 hours ago

  • Japan Times

Amid Epstein furor, Ghislaine Maxwell seeks relief from U.S. Supreme Court

Even as an uproar over files relating to Jeffrey Epstein engulfs President Donald Trump and Congress, the U.S. Supreme Court is due to wade into the controversy and decide whether to hear a bid by an associate of the late financier and convicted sex offender to overturn her criminal conviction. The justices, now on their summer recess, are expected in late September to consider whether to take up an appeal by British socialite Ghislaine Maxwell, currently serving a 20-year prison sentence after being found guilty in 2021 by a jury in New York of helping Epstein sexually abuse teenage girls. Maxwell's lawyers have told the Supreme Court that her conviction was invalid because a non-prosecution and plea agreement that federal prosecutors had made with Epstein in Florida in 2007 also shielded his associates and should have barred her criminal prosecution in New York. Her lawyers have a Monday deadline for filing their final written brief in their appeal to the court. Some legal experts see merit in Maxwell's claim, noting that it touches on an unsettled matter of U.S. law that has divided some of the nation's regional federal appeals courts, known as circuit courts. Mitchell Epner, a former federal prosecutor now in private practice, said there is a chance that the Supreme Court takes up the case, and noted the disagreement among appeals courts. Such a split among circuit courts can be a factor when the nation's top judicial body considers whether or not to hear a case. "The question of whether a plea agreement from one U.S. Attorney's Office binds other federal prosecution as a whole is a serious issue that has split the circuits," Epner said. While uncommon, "there have been several cases presenting the issue over the years," Epner added. Trump's Justice Department appeared to acknowledge the circuit split in a brief filed to the justices this month, but urged them to reject the appeal. Any disparity among lower court rulings "is of limited importance," Solicitor-General D. John Sauer wrote in the brief, "because the scope of a plea or similar agreement is under the control of the parties to the agreement." If the Supreme Court opts to grant Maxwell's appeal, it would hear arguments during its new term that begins in October, with a ruling then expected by the end of next June. Trump and his administration have been facing mounting pressure from his supporters to release additional information about the Justice Department's investigation into Epstein, who hanged himself in 2019 in a Manhattan jail cell, an autopsy concluded, while awaiting trial on sex-trafficking charges. Deputy U.S. Attorney General Todd Blanche, a former personal lawyer to Trump, met with Maxwell in Florida on Thursday in what her lawyer called "a very productive day." The administration reversed course this month on its pledge to release more documents about Epstein, prompting fury among some of Trump's most loyal followers. The Epstein case has long been the subject of conspiracy theories, considering his rich and powerful friends and the circumstances of his death. The Supreme Court's 6-3 conservative majority includes three justices appointed by Trump during his first term in office. Whether the court would want to take on such a case that represents a political landmine is an open question. The justices hear relatively few cases — about 70 out of more than 4,000 appeals filed at the court each year — and have broad discretion to choose which ones will be on their docket. At least four of the justices must agree in order for the court to take up a case. Maxwell's appeal focuses on a deal Epstein struck in 2007 to avoid federal prosecution in part by pleading guilty to state criminal offenses in Florida of soliciting prostitution and soliciting minors to engage in prostitution. Epstein then served 13 months in a minimum-security state facility. In 2019, during Trump's first term as president, the U.S. Justice Department charged Epstein in Manhattan with sex trafficking of minors. Epstein pleaded not guilty, but died by suicide before the trial at age 66. Maxwell was arrested in 2020 and convicted the following year after being accused by federal prosecutors of recruiting and grooming girls to have sexual encounters with Epstein between 1994 and 2004. Maxwell failed to convince a trial judge and the New York-based 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals to throw out her conviction based on the 2007 non-prosecution agreement, which stated that "the United States also agrees that it will not institute any criminal charges against any potential co-conspirators of Epstein." In the appeal to the Supreme Court, Maxwell's lawyer David Markus said that in its reference to co-conspirators, the Epstein agreement had no geographic limit on where the non-prosecution agreement could be enforced. "If the government can promise one thing and deliver another — and courts let it happen — that erodes the integrity of the justice system," Markus said. "This isn't just about Ghislaine Maxwell. It's about whether the government is held to its word," Markus said. The National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers has urged the Supreme Court to hear Maxwell's appeal given the prevalence of plea agreements in the U.S. criminal justice system and to ensure that the government keeps its promises. The group represents thousands of private lawyers, public defenders, law professors and judges nationwide. It said in a filing to the justices that the lack of a geographic limitation means "no part of the Department of Justice may institute criminal charges against any co-conspirator in any district." Columbia Law School professor Daniel Richman, an expert in criminal law, said it was unusual for the U.S. attorney in Florida to include protection for co-conspirators in the agreement to not prosecute Epstein. That peculiarity might be reason enough for the Supreme Court to avoid the matter, Richman said, as it renders the case a poor vehicle for resolving whether pleas in one court district bind actions in all other court districts. "There were many strange things about this deal," Richman said, which will cut against the Supreme Court's interest in taking up Maxwell's appeal. Richman said he hoped the political fallout would not play into the Supreme Court's decision on whether to hear Maxwell's appeal. If it does, Richman said, taking up the case could allow Maxwell to avoid cooperating with the government and dodge responsibility. "A decision that would allow Maxwell to protect herself probably would not be something they would be interested in," Richman said of the Supreme Court justices.

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