Indonesia jails transgender woman for TikTok comment about Jesus' hair, sparking outcry
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Ratu Thalisa was found guilty by a court in Medan city on the western island of Sumatra of spreading hatred under a widely-criticised online hate-speech law in a TikTok livestream, Dapot Dariarma of the local prosecutor's office said.
The judge handed the woman – a Muslim according to court documents – a sentence of two years and 10 months, he said.
In the livestream in October, Ratu was reportedly shown talking to a picture of Jesus on her smartphone and telling him to cut his long hair.
Ratu, who sold beauty products online, was reportedly responding to a comment that told her to cut her hair to avoid appearing like a woman.
This prison sentence is a shocking attack on Ratu Thalisa's freedom of expression
Usman Hamid, Amnesty International Indonesia executive director
Rights groups, who have slammed the electronic information law as too vague and open to misuse against religious minorities, called for the sentence to be quashed.
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AllAfrica
3 days ago
- AllAfrica
Trump burning a diplomatic bridge to Malaysia
President Donald Trump's pick to be the United States' next ambassador to Malaysia has raised more than a few eyebrows in the Southeast Asian nation. Right-wing influencer Nick Adams, a naturalized American born and raised in Australia, is, by his own account, a weightlifting, Bible-reading, 'wildly successful' and 'extremely charismatic' fan of Hooters and rare steaks, with the 'physique of a Greek God' and 'an IQ over 180.' Such brashness seems at odds with the usually quieter business of diplomacy. The same could be said about Adams' lack of relevant experience, temperament and expressed opinions – which clash starkly with prevailing sentiment in majority-Muslim, socially conservative Malaysia. Whereas the US usually sends a career State Department official as ambassador to Malaysia, Adams is most definitely a 'political' nominee. His prior public service, as councilor, then deputy mayor, of a Sydney suburb ended abruptly in 2009 amid displays of undiplomatic temper. Yet far more problematic for his new posting is his past perceived disparaging of Islam and ardent pro-Israel views – lightning rod issues in a country that lacks diplomatic relations with Israel and whose population trends strongly pro-Palestinian. So it was little surprise when news of Adam's nomination on July 9, 2025, prompted angry pushback among the Malaysian public and politicians. Whether or not Malaysia would officially reject his appointment, assuming Adams is confirmed, remains uncertain, notwithstanding strong domestic pressure on Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim to do so. But regardless, the nomination marks a turning point in US-Malaysian diplomatic relations, something I have been tracking for over 25 years. In my view, it communicates an overt U.S. disregard for diplomatic norms, such as the signaling of respect and consideration for a partner state. It also reflects the decline in a relationship that for decades had been overwhelmingly stable and amicable. And all this may play into the hands of China, Washington's main rival for influence in Southeast Asia. The US and Malaysia have largely enjoyed warm relations over the years, notwithstanding occasional rhetorical grandstanding, especially on the part of former longtime Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad and U.S. President Bill Clinton talk at the White House in 1996. Ralph Alswang/Consolidated Photo: News Pictures / Getty Images via The Conversation Having successfully battled a communist insurgency during the mid-20th century, Malaysia remained reliably anti-communist throughout the Cold War, much to Washington's liking. Malaysia also occupies a strategically important position along the Strait of Malacca and has been an important source of both raw materials such as rubber and for the manufacturing of everything from latex gloves to semiconductors. In return, Malaysia has benefited both from the US security umbrella and robust trade and investment. But even before Trump's announcement of his ambassadorship pick, bilateral relations were tense. The most immediate cause was tariffs. In April, the U.S. announced a tariff rate for Malaysia of 24%. Despite efforts to negotiate, the Trump administration indicated the rate would increase further to 25% should no deal materialize by August 1. That the White House released its revised tariff rate just two days before announcing Adams' nomination – and just over a month after Ibrahim held apparently cordial discussions with US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore – only added to Malaysia's grievance. Malaysia may reap some benefit from the new US trade policy, should Trump's broader agenda results in supply chains bypassing China in favor of Southeast Asia, and investors seek new outlets amid Trump's targeted feuds. But Malaysia's roughly US$25 billion trade surplus with the US, its preference for 'low-profile functionality' in regard to its relationship with the US and the general volatility of economic conditions, leave Malaysia still vulnerable. Moreover, trade policy sticking points for the US include areas where Malaysia is loath to bend, such as in its convoluted regulations for halal certification and preferential policies favoring the Malay majority that have long hindered trade negotiations between the two countries. The punishing tariffs the White House has threatened leave Malaysia in a bind. The US is Malaysia's biggest investor and lags only China and Singapore in terms of trade volume. As such, the government in Kuala Lumpur may have little choice but to sacrifice domestic approval to economic expediency. Nor is trade the only source of angst. The White House's pressure on American institutions of higher education is effecting collateral damage on a host of its ostensible allies, Malaysia included. Although numbers have declined since the Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s, the US has remained a popular destination for Malaysians seeking education abroad. In the 1980s, over 10,000 Malaysians enrolled in US colleges and universities annually. Prior to the Covid-19 pandemic, numbers stabilized at around 8,000. But after, enrollments struggled to recover – reaching only 5,223 in 2024. Now, they are falling anew. In the first Trump administration, the visa approval rate for Malaysian students remained high despite Trump's 'Muslim ban' exacerbating impressions of an unwelcoming environment or difficult process. Now, economic uncertainty from trade wars and a struggling Malaysian currency, coupled with proliferating alternatives, make the comparatively high expense of studying in the US even more of a deterrent. Yet what propelled Anwar's administration to announce that it will no longer send government-funded scholarship students to the US – a key conduit for top students to pursue degrees overseas – was specifically the risks inherent in Trump's policies, including threats to bar foreign students at certain universities and stepped-up social media screening of visa applicants. Clearly, Malaysia's government believes that deteriorating relations with the US are not in its best interests. Yet as the junior partner in the relationship, Malaysia has limited ability to improve them. In that, Kuala Lumpur has found itself in a similar boat to other countries in the region who are likewise reconsidering their strategic relationship with the US amid Trump 2.0's dramatic reconfiguration of American foreign policy priorities. When sparring with China for influence in Southeast Asia, the US has, until recently, propounded norms of a Western-centric 'liberal international order' in the region – promoting such values as openness to trade and investment, secure sovereignty and respect for international law. Malaysia has accepted, and benefited from, that framework, even as it has pushed back against U.S. positions on the Middle East and, in the past, on issues related to human rights and civil liberties. But amid the Trump administration's unpredictability in upholding this status quo, a small, middle-income state like Malaysia may have little option beyond pursuing a more determinedly nonaligned neutrality and strategic pragmatism. Indeed, as the U.S. sheds its focus on such priorities as democracy and human rights, China's proffered 'community with a shared future,' emphasizing common interests and a harmonious neighborhood, cannot help but seem more appealing. This is true even while Malaysia recognizes the limitations to China's approach, too, and resists being pushed to 'pick sides.' Malaysia is, after all, loath to be part of a sphere of influence dominated by China, especially amid ongoing antagonism over China's claims in the South China Sea – something that drives Malaysia and fellow counterclaimants in Southeast Asia toward security cooperation with the US. That said, Anwar's administration seemed already to be drifting toward China and away from the West even before the latest unfriendly developments emanating from Washington. This includes announcing in June 2024 its plan to join the BRICS economic bloc of low- and middle-income nations. Now, the more bridges the US burns, the less of a path it leaves back to the heady aspirations of the first Trump administration's 'Free and Open Indo-Pacific' framework, which had highlighted the mutual benefit it enjoyed and shared principles it held with allies in Asia. Instead, Malaysia's plight exemplifies what a baldly transactional and one-sided approach produces in practice. As one ruling-coalition member of parliament recently described, Adams would be the rare US ambassador with whom Malaysian politicians would be loath to pose for photos. And that fact alone speaks volumes about diplomacy and evolving global strategic realities in the MAGA era. Meredith Weiss is professor of political science, University at Albany, State University of New York This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
South China Morning Post
3 days ago
- South China Morning Post
Malaysian parents back social media curbs for children to limit ‘brain rot'
Malaysian parents welcomed a plan to bar children from having social media accounts, but were less enthused by a proposal to push state-sanctioned family content to curb consumption of damaging online material. Communications Minister Fahmi Fadzil on Tuesday warned parents against an overreliance on mobile devices to serve as 'digital nannies' to keep their children occupied, saying he had personally come across children who had their own TikTok accounts despite being below the minimum age limit of 13 set by social media platforms. The government said it was studying the possibility of enforcing a ban on children below the age of 13 from having social media accounts to protect them from harmful content such as 'brain rot' – repetitive short-form entertainment that has been blamed for behavioural changes in young people. The plan could also include increasing the volume of locally produced family-friendly content approved by the government, and digital literacy modules for children aged 13 and older to help them navigate the deluge of information available online, Fahmi told parliament. Malaysia's Minister of Communications Fahmi Fadzil has warned parents against an overreliance on mobile devices to serve as 'digital nannies' to keep their children occupied. Photo: AFP Parents who spoke to This Week in Asia said barring young children from having their own social media accounts was a good move, but argued that it was still a struggle to keep tabs on their children's digital consumption habits.
South China Morning Post
4 days ago
- South China Morning Post
Australia widens teen social media ban to include YouTube
Australia said on Wednesday it will add YouTube to sites covered by its world-first ban on social media for teenagers, reversing an earlier decision to exempt the Alphabet-owned video-sharing site and potentially setting up a legal challenge. The decision came after the internet regulator urged the government last month to overturn the YouTube carve-out, citing a survey that found 37 per cent of minors reported harmful content on the site, the worst showing for a social media platform. 'I'm calling time on it,' Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said in a statement highlighting that Australian children were being negatively affected by online platforms, and reminding social media of their social responsibility. 'I want Australian parents to know that we have their backs.' The decision broadens the ban set to take effect in December. YouTube says it is used by nearly three-quarters of Australians aged 13 to 15, and should not be classified as social media because its main activity is hosting videos. 'Our position remains clear: YouTube is a video sharing platform with a library of free, high-quality content, increasingly viewed on TV screens. It's not social media,' a YouTube spokesperson said by email. Complaints of unfairness Since the government said last year it would exempt YouTube due to its popularity with teachers, platforms covered by the ban, such as Meta's Facebook and Instagram, Snapchat and TikTok, have complained. They say YouTube has key similarities to their products, including letting users interact and recommending content through an algorithm based on activity. The ban outlaws YouTube accounts for those younger than 16, allowing parents and teachers to show videos on it to minors. 'Teachers are always curators of any resource for appropriateness (and) will be judicious,' said Angela Falkenberg, president of the Australian Primary Principals Association, which supports the ban. Artificial intelligence has supercharged the spread of misinformation on social media platforms such as YouTube, said Adam Marre, chief information security officer at cybersecurity firm Arctic Wolf. 'The Australian government's move to regulate YouTube is an important step in pushing back against the unchecked power of big tech and protecting kids,' he added in an email. YouTube initially argued it shouldn't be affected by the ban, saying its primary purpose is hosting videos. Photo: AP The reversal sets up a fresh dispute with Alphabet, which threatened to withdraw some Google services from Australia in 2021 to avoid a law forcing it to pay news outlets for content appearing in searches. Last week, YouTube told Reuters it had written to the government urging it 'to uphold the integrity of the legislative process'. Australian media said YouTube threatened a court challenge, but YouTube did not confirm that. 'I will not be intimidated by legal threats when this is a genuine fight for the well-being of Australian kids,' Communications Minister Anika Wells told parliament on Wednesday. The law passed in November only requires 'reasonable steps' by social media platforms to keep out Australians younger than 16, or face a fine of up to A$49.5 million. The government, which is due to receive a report this month on tests of age-checking products, has said those results will influence enforcement of the ban.
