Propaganda, Pay, and Prison: The Kazakhs Fighting in Ukraine

The Diplomat

30-06-2025

While many Central Asian migrants have been coerced or pressured into fighting for Russia in Ukraine, a number of Kazakh citizens have taken up arms voluntarily.
On January 14, a Kazakh citizen, given the pseudonym 'G' by the court, was sentenced to four years and six months in prison for fighting with the Russian paramilitary organization Wagner Group. He is not alone. While a few Kazakhs have reportedly fought on the Ukrainian side, the majority of those who have traveled to the frontlines appear to have joined the Russian forces.
In April, the Ukrainian Defense Ministry's 'I Want to Live' project published a list of 661 Kazakh nationals believed to have joined the Russian military. Of those, 78 were confirmed killed in action – a number limited to individuals the ministry could verify with confidence.
While many Kazakh nationals fighting for Russia were likely labor migrants in search of a better income, who subsequently ended up at the front, others have crossed the border with the intention of joining the military from the outset. The Russian government continues to welcome new recruits, while Kazakhstan's government attempts to dissuade its citizens from taking part in what it deems a foreign war, reminding them of the significant legal consequences.
Under Kazakh law, fighting in foreign wars can lead to up to nine years in prison. However, this legal risk has not deterred everyone. 'G,' the man sentenced in January, for instance, reportedly claimed he was motivated by ideological reasons, citing the treatment of Russian speakers in Ukraine as his main motivation for joining the war.
For others, the incentive may be simpler: money. According to Kazakh journalist Lukpan Akhmedyarov, newer fighters have, like previous recruits, been heavily influenced by Russian propaganda. However, he describes financial incentives as the final push.
'These are people who sat in front of the TV for many years, watched Russian channels, were exposed to propaganda,' Akhmedyarov told Radio Azattyk. 'They shared this rhetoric, but they had no incentive. When an incentive appeared in the form of money, they got off their butts and went to war.'
Former fighters have reported monthly salaries of up to 240,000 rubles (about $3,000) – a figure more than four times higher than Kazakhstan's average monthly wage of $673. Recruitment efforts remain visible, with social media posts and even physical flyers in public spaces offering enlistment contracts. While most of these materials come from pro-Russian sources, leaflets seeking recruits to fight for Ukraine have also been spotted in Kazakhstan.
The leaflets posted around the country have prompted Kazakhstan's Ministry of Internal Affairs to react. In April, the ministry deemed it necessary to remind Kazakh citizens of the long prison sentences that could await people who join the war in Ukraine. The reminder mentioned not only the nine years Kazakhs could receive for participation in military action abroad, but also the chance of a life sentence for mercenary activity.
The case of 'G,' convicted in January, is hardly an isolated one. In April 2023, Kazakhstan's National Security Committee announced it was investigating 10 citizens for acting as mercenaries in Ukraine. Later that year, at least one of these individual was sentenced for participating in combat with the Wagner Group.
Authorities have since intensified efforts to prosecute such cases. As of April 2025, Kazakhstan's Ministry of Internal Affairs reported 116 active cases related to citizens' participation in foreign armed conflicts. Three are being prosecuted under laws specifically targeting mercenary activity, while the remainder fall under Kazakhstan's broader statute banning unauthorized involvement in overseas conflicts – a legal framework previously used against those who fought for the Islamic State in Syria.
While the exact number of Kazakhs who have fought in Ukraine remains uncertain, the share of soldiers fighting, as reported by Ukraine, suggests that the volume of cases is not insignificant.
With no end to the war in sight, Kazakh authorities continue to expend resources raising awareness of the consequences of foreign military service whether for Russia, Ukraine, or any other party. But as economic hardship and ideological polarization persist, it remains unclear how many more Kazakh citizens will choose to risk prison, or death, for a cause that may or may not be theirs.