logo
King of Kings by Scott Anderson review – how the last shah of Iran sealed his own fate

King of Kings by Scott Anderson review – how the last shah of Iran sealed his own fate

The Guardian3 days ago
The last shah of Iran was a figure from Shakespearean tragedy: outwardly haughty and magnificent, inwardly insecure and indecisive, a Persian Richard II, self-regarding even in his own downfall. When he stood at the foot of his aircraft steps as he left Iran for the last time in January 1979, tears streaming down his cheeks and killer cancer working away inside him, surely even the stoniest heart must have felt some pity for this fallen autocrat?
Not so. The stony heart of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini contained only rage and a desire for vengeance towards the King of Kings (the Iranian monarch's official designation). 'This man has no place in Iran, and no place on Earth,' Khomeini told me in a chilling television interview before leaving Paris for Tehran. On the plane bringing him back from a 15-year exile a few days later to overthrow the shah's regime, Khomeini muttered that he felt nothing – hichi – on returning home.
The fact is, not many of the people close to him really loved the shah. He let his friends down, he dithered, he habitually took the advice of the last person he spoke to. 'He was a difficult man to like,' said Sir Anthony Parsons, the British ambassador during the shah's last days, who was closer to him than any other foreign diplomat. 'He was so suspicious, so certain we were all trying to do him down. And yet there was a naked vulnerability about him which made you feel genuinely sorry for him.'
King of Kings is a good and worthwhile account of his undoing, even if part of the subtitle – The Unmaking of the Modern Middle East – promises more than it delivers. It amply demonstrates the ways in which the shah was the author of his own downfall, constantly interfering in things he should have stayed away from. Of course there were broader causes of the Islamic revolution, chiefly the tidal wave of corruption that overwhelmed Iran when the oil price quadrupled after 1973; though the shah was partly responsible even for that, urging OPEC to screw more and more money from the battered west. But the revolution's immediate cause was a single foolish brainwave of his own, at the very start of 1978 – exactly a year before he was dethroned.
That was when the shah entertained Jimmy Carter, and his wife, Rosalynn, at the Niavaran Palace in Tehran. There they celebrated the apparent fact that for the first time in years there was no major threat to either of their nations. Peace and stability seemed entrenched. As Anderson notes, it was the last time an American president would set foot on Iranian soil. Days, perhaps hours after the Carters left, the shah called a senior minister and told him to organise a pseudonymous, innuendo-laden newspaper article accusing the exiled Ayatollah Khomeini of being a British agent. The minister, an intelligent and rational man, complained that publishing the article would stir up trouble. But the shah, buoyed up by Carter's compliments, refused to listen.
The article did stir up trouble. Khomeini's followers in the religious schools of Qom and other centres poured out on to the streets in violent protest, and the army and police shot some of them down. In Shia Islam and Persian custom, each burial is followed 40 days later by another public commemoration, and every time, the police and army killed more demonstrators.
Even when the demonstrations were a regular and growing occurrence, the Ayatollah Khomeini, the absentee leader of the demonstrations, had long been a virtual prisoner in the Shia religious centre of Najaf, in neighbouring Iraq, then ruled by Saddam Hussein. It was impossible for outsiders to get to Najaf and speak to Khomeini; but for no good reason the shah put immense pressure on Hussein to get rid of him. Hussein (who had no time for the shah and could see how this would end) duly threw Khomeini out. Khomeini's more worldly-wise advisers persuaded him to take shelter near Paris, in the village of Neauphle-le-Château, where, as Anderson puts it 'the residents [adjusted] to the sight of the old man in his black turban and brown robes given to morning strolls along the surrounding country lanes'. Suddenly, the world's press could visit him and interview him whenever they wanted, and every word was beamed back to Iran. By November 1978 the shah's downfall was inescapable.
Anderson's book suffers, in a way so many accounts by American writers seem to do, from concentrating on the Iran-US relationship to the virtual exclusion of any other (his excellent book Lawrence in Arabia' was naturally free of this limitation). But he has interviewed some of the key people, including the genuinely tragic figure of the shahbanu, Farah Pahlavi, who understood what was happening in Iran but failed to influence her husband sufficiently, and gives a thorough overview of the sweep of events.
From the Middle East to the war in Ukraine, the world is still experiencing the aftershocks of the fall of the shah, and it's not over yet. And all, one is tempted to say, because this latter-day Richard II couldn't help meddling in things best left alone. It was a tragedy – and not just for him.
Sign up to Bookmarks
Discover new books and learn more about your favourite authors with our expert reviews, interviews and news stories. Literary delights delivered direct to you
after newsletter promotion
King of Kings: The Fall of the Shah, the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the Unmaking of the Modern Middle East by Scott Anderson is published by Hutchinson Heinemann (£25). To support the Guardian buy a copy at guardianbookshop.com. Delivery charges may apply.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Donald Trump's envoy Steve Witkoff visits Gaza aid ‘death trap'
Donald Trump's envoy Steve Witkoff visits Gaza aid ‘death trap'

The Guardian

time30 minutes ago

  • The Guardian

Donald Trump's envoy Steve Witkoff visits Gaza aid ‘death trap'

Donald Trump's envoy Steve Witkoff has visited Gaza and been shown one of the controversial food distribution sites around which hundreds of Palestinians have been killed by Israeli forces. Witkoff, the US president's special envoy for the Middle East, had earlier met the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, amid mounting international horror over conditions of starvation in Gaza occurring after months of Israeli-imposed aid restrictions. Witkoff – a former real estate lawyer with no background in foreign policy or humanitarian aid – wrote on X that he had spent more than five hours inside Gaza in order to gain 'a clear understanding of the humanitarian situation and help craft a plan to deliver food and medical aid to the people of Gaza'. Chapin Fay, a spokesperson for the Israeli and US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), said the visit reflected Trump's understanding of the crisis and that 'feeding civilians, not Hamas, must be the priority'. The apparent absence of senior international aid officials during a visit accompanied by senior Israeli figures raises questions over the credibility of Israeli and US plans to increase aid flows amid the continuing debacle around the GHF operations. Trump echoed his intention to increase aid reaching Gaza in a phone call with the US news site Axios, saying: 'We want to help people. We want to help them live. We want to get people fed. It is something that should have happened long time ago.' It remains unclear whether Trump intends to double down on an expansion of the GHF operations or envisages a new way of doing things. Hours after Witkoff's visit to the site in Rafah, Palestinian medics reported Israeli forces had shot dead three Palestinians near one of the group's other sites on the southern edge of Gaza City – although it was not clear whether it was the same location. Witkoff visited as Human Rights Watch described the sites run by the GHF as 'death traps' which had become the scene of regular 'bloodbaths'. The UN has said that Israeli forces have killed almost 900 Palestinians who were attempting to reach the sites. Belkis Wille, the associate crisis and conflict director at Human Rights Watch, said on Friday: 'US-backed Israeli forces and private contractors have put in place a flawed, militarised aid distribution system that has turned aid distributions into regular bloodbaths.' Coverage of the war in Gaza is constrained by Israeli attacks on Palestinian journalists and a bar on international reporters entering the Gaza Strip to report independently on the war. Israel has not allowed foreign reporters to enter Gaza since 7 October 2023, unless they are under Israeli military escort. Reporters who join these trips have no control over where they go, and other restrictions include a bar on speaking to Palestinians in Gaza. Palestinian journalists and media workers inside Gaza have paid a heavy price for their work reporting on the war, with over 180 killed since the conflict began. The committee to protect journalists has determined that at least 19 of them 'were directly targeted by Israeli forces in killings which CPJ classifies as murders'. Foreign reporters based in Israel filed a legal petition seeking access to Gaza, but it was rejected by the supreme court on security grounds. Private lobbying by diplomats and public appeals by prominent journalists and media outlets have been ignored by the Israeli government. To ensure accurate reporting from Gaza given these restrictions, the Guardian works with trusted journalists on the ground; our visual​​ teams verif​y photo and videos from third parties; and we use clearly sourced data from organisations that have a track record of providing accurate information in Gaza during past conflicts, or during other conflicts or humanitarian crises. Emma Graham-Harrison, chief Middle East correspondent She added: 'Israeli forces are not only deliberately starving Palestinian civilians, but they are now gunning them down almost every day as they desperately seek food for their families.' The UN said on Friday that Israeli forces had killed 1,353 Palestinians who were waiting for food – 859 around GHF sites and another 514 along the route of UN aid convoys. The health ministry in Gaza said that 83 people had been killed and 554 wounded by IDF fire in the territory in the past 24 hours. According to the announcement, 53 were killed and more than 400 were wounded while seeking humanitarian aid. A UN spokesperson said Israeli policies had led to the widespread desperation in Gaza that meant arriving UN trucks were overwhelmed and stripped before they could reach warehouses. The UN says longstanding Israeli restrictions on the entry of aid has created an unpredictable environment, and that means, while a pause in fighting might allow more aid in, Palestinians are not confident aid will reach them. Olga Cherevko, a spokesperson for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (Ocha), said: 'This has resulted in many of our convoys offloaded directly by starving, desperate people as they continue to face deep levels of hunger and are struggling to feed their families. The only way to reach a level of confidence is by having a sustained flow of aid over a period of time.' While a number of countries have resumed airdrops of aid into Gaza in recent days, aid experts have warned that the amount of food that can be dropped by air is insufficient to counter starvation inside the Palestinian territory. On Friday, Hamas released a brief video of an emaciated and bearded Israeli hostage held in a narrow concrete tunnel in Gaza. Israeli media identified as Evyatar David, who was seized at the Nova music festival on 7 October 2023. Of the 251 hostages taken during the Hamas attack, 49 are still being held in Gaza, including 27 the Israeli military says are dead. Israeli officials have said that if there is no progress in the coming days on a deal with Hamas to release the hostages, Israel will expand its operations in Gaza. International humanitarian agencies and experts say that famine has gripped Gaza after Israel blocked food from entering the territory for two and a half months starting in March. Since it eased the blockade in late May, Israel has only allowed in a trickle of aid trucks for the UN, about 70 a day on average, according to Israel's own figures. That is far below the 500-600 trucks a day that UN agencies say are needed – the amount that entered during a six-week ceasefire earlier this year. While Netanyahu and other officials have claimed that there is 'no hunger in Gaza' or that it is the fault of Hamas looting or the UN's failings, incontrovertible evidence has been offered by the UN's food security monitor of the spread of famine amid Israel's choking of the entry of aid, a policy critics say amounts to the crime of using starvation as a weapon.

The British terms for recognition of Palestine are not addressed to Hamas or Israel
The British terms for recognition of Palestine are not addressed to Hamas or Israel

Telegraph

timean hour ago

  • Telegraph

The British terms for recognition of Palestine are not addressed to Hamas or Israel

Every day, Christians say the prayer which Jesus himself taught, the 'Our Father '. Its first expressed wish is 'Thy kingdom come'. Those three words refer to the belief that Jesus will have a Second Coming to earth which will inaugurate the eternal reign of God. When we say them, we express a sincere hope, but we are assuredly not expecting it to happen any time soon. In history, preachers have emerged claiming they are the Messiah, or his prophet, and that the Kingdom is coming right now. They have been lunatics, charlatans, or political adventurers. It is not, from a Christian view, impossible that the Second Coming will be manifested soon in a high street near you: it is just extremely unlikely. Fear those who claim otherwise. The call for a two-state solution of Israel/Palestine is the political equivalent of 'Thy kingdom come'. It is a noble aspiration towards which we should strive, but not, to put it mildly, likely or imminent. Beware of those who tell you different. The proposal to recognise a Palestinian state now makes the same mistake as those who try to fast-track the coming of Christ's kingdom. Its advocates may be perfectly sincere, but their actions empower the worst people. They will not create the state they seek. There are differences between the recognition terms being offered by France, Canada and Britain. Canada, for example, imposes quite strong conditions, such as demilitarising the Palestinians. The British version is notably the worst. It demands Hamas release the hostages, but with no penalty if Hamas does not comply. Weirdly, the British position makes our recognition of a Palestinian state dependent on Israel's behaviour in the coming weeks. Recognition will be granted 'unless the Israeli government takes substantive steps to end the appalling situation in Gaza and commits to a long-term sustainable peace, including through allowing the UN to restart without delay the supply of humanitarian support … to end starvation, agreeing to a ceasefire, and making clear there will be no annexations in the West Bank'. Is Sir Keir Starmer seriously saying that if Benjamin Netanyahu obeys him and calls off his dogs of war, the case for a Palestinian state falls? If statehood is needed, that need does not depend on how 'good' or 'bad' Bibi decides to be between now and September. And what incentive does Britain give Hamas to offer a ceasefire? We have told the terrorists that if Israel agrees one, we will not recognise Palestinian statehood. What earthly reason will Hamas have for releasing the hostages now? Until the UN General Assembly, when recognition will be declared, it will want to drive Israel into more extreme positions. Then Britain will back the Palestinian state that Hamas wants. This may not matter, since Britain has so little power in the situation, and has now, by its various recent actions, lost all leverage with Israel. For Mr Netanyahu, the latest British pressure need hardly register. The only Western power that matters here is the United States. But why, then, did Sir Keir regard the nearly 80-year-old question of Palestinian statehood as suddenly so urgent that it required an emergency Cabinet meeting this week? And why is it that, for the first time, three G7 members are playing this recognition game? I suppose the answer friendliest to those three states is that they want to forestall Israel. They think that Mr Netanyahu wants to annex Gaza: they fear that President Trump cannot be relied upon to stop him. They imagine their declaration of Palestinian statehood can prevent this. They are right that the Netanyahu government has waged nearly two years of war without disclosing its post-victory plans. That makes everyone nervous. But I fear – a fear confirmed by the hasty, repetitive, almost inarticulate wording of the British statement – that the call for Palestinian state recognition is driven by motives little related to a long-term international settlement. The most obvious is that the countries involved have big, restive Muslim populations to be appeased. Here in Britain, our governing party has a proportion of Muslim membership much higher than that of the general population (thought to be over 60 per cent in London). Labour is shedding votes in all directions. Muslim ones are among the most volatile. It would not be surprising, too, if the security services were privately warning of Islamist attacks stirred up by what is happening in Gaza. Labour is scared. Slightly less obvious, but still powerful, are undercurrents about 'values'. Attending President Macron's speech in Westminster Hall during his state visit, I was struck by his emphasis on recognising Palestine. Although he said it was his own view, he implied it arose from Anglo-French conversations. He waxed eloquent about how 'for us as Europeans there is no double standard' (a remark which implies a false equivalence between Israel and Hamas). Mark Carney takes a similar line. He is back home ruling Canada these days, but there remains no greater devotee of European righteousness. One must not forget that Sir Keir, although outwardly deferential to Trump, is desperate for a shadow EU membership for Britain to wash off what he sees as the stain of nationalism and realign us with the Union our voters rejected in 2016. For him, 'European values' are talismanic. Unfortunately, they have never included robust support for Israel. Then there is colonial guilt. Speaking at Wednesday's UN conference on the two-state solution in New York, the Foreign Secretary, David Lammy, invoked 'the hand of history' that famously fingered Tony Blair in Northern Ireland. Britain bears 'the special burden of responsibility' that goes back to the Balfour declaration of 1917, he said. We must protect the 'civil and religious rights' of the Palestinian people which, along with a homeland for the Jews, Balfour promised. Balfour did not promise a Palestinian state, however. There has never been one. Palestinian leaders have rejected all offers of one. This Mr Lammy did not discuss. It is a serious matter to create a new state. As a result, there are four international legal principles for doing so, based not on aspiration, but on facts: does the entity in question have 'a permanent population, a defined territory, a government and the capacity to enter into relations with other states'? This Government of lawyers is oddly reluctant to engage with these questions. It was a surprise to hear the distinguished ex-jurist Lord Sumption say on television that it is 'completely clear' that Palestine has met these conditions, especially that of having a government. Until now, such complete clarity has eluded all those who have sought to deal with representatives of the Palestinians. The Palestinian Authority is much less than a government. Hamas, as all admit, has no legitimacy whatever. Its plan for statehood was well expressed in its actions of Oct 7 2023. Palestinian statehood, as currently offered, bursts with contradictions. Here is a darkly funny one. At present, the official status of most Palestinians in the territories is that of refugees (the only example in the world of refugee status being hereditary), for whom the UN is responsible. If statehood were granted, they would be refugees no more, so would UNWRA and all its aid have to be sent packing? That is just one of the many things which Sir Keir and colleagues have not thought about.

Israeli military says it identified missile launched from Yemen towards Israel
Israeli military says it identified missile launched from Yemen towards Israel

Reuters

time3 hours ago

  • Reuters

Israeli military says it identified missile launched from Yemen towards Israel

CAIRO, Aug 1 (Reuters) - The Israeli military said on Friday it had intercepted a missile launched from Yemen towards Israel that triggered sirens in several areas in the country. Houthis have been firing at Israel and attacking shipping lanes, in what the group says is solidarity with Palestinians in the Gaza war. Most of the dozens of missiles and drones they have launched have been intercepted or fallen short. Israel has carried out a series of retaliatory strikes.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store