Who was Prabhakaran? Dreaded LTTE chief and mastermind of ex-India PM Rajiv Gandhi assassination
Velupillai Prabhakaran, the notorious leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), who masterminded the shocking assassination of Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, is regarded as one of the most infamous yet influential insurgents in the last 50 years. The 54-year-old who was reportedly killed by Sri Lankan forces on May 18, 2009, led a decades-long insurgency that transformed the serene island nation into a warzone in which hundreds of thousands were killed, maimed and injured, and millions displaced. Who was Prabhakaran?
Born into a middle-class family in Valvettiturai, a fishing town on the northern coast of Sri Lanka's Jaffna peninsula, Prabhakaran was the youngest of four children, however, not much is known about his early life. 'My childhood was spent in the small circle of a lonely, quiet house,' Prabhakaran had said in a 1994 interview.
In the interview, the slain LTTE chief revealed that his deep-seated anger against the military as he recalled a teacher in his middle school extorting students to take up arms against the violence perpetrated against the ethnic Tamilians by the state. 'It is he who impressed on me the need for armed struggle and persuaded me to put my trust in it.'
At the time, Jaffna was considered the heart of Tamilian culture and literature in Sri Lanka, and soon emerged as the center of the growing Tamil nationalist movement, which demanded greater autonomy for Tamil-majority areas to protest against the alleged discrimination against Tamils by Sri Lanka's Sinhalese majority. How Prabhakaran emerged as the leader of LTTE?
In 1975, Prabhakaran emerged as one of the faces of Tamil New Tigers– the predecessor of the LTTE– after the group claimed responsibility for the assassination of Alfred Duraiappah, the then mayor of Jaffna city. A year later, Prabhakaran established the LTTE, a guerilla movement which later evolved into a full-scale civil war in 1983, when the group ambushed and killed 13 Sri Lankan army troops in Jaffna.
In retaliation, more than 3,000 Tamils, mainly in Colombo, were killed in wanton violence that lasted several days, marking the beginning a full-blown civil war that lasted for decades, and tore apart the Sri Lanka to its very core.
According to Prabhakaran, the 1983 'holocaust', infamously dubbed 'Black July', 'united all sections of the Tamil masses'. Soon, the onset of July instilled fear among Sri Lanka's Sinhalese majority as the the LTTE would commemorate the month with bombings and assassinations, while Prabhakaran rose from a radical Tamil nationalist to a feared terrorist insurgent. Why Prabhakaran assassinated Rajiv Gandhi?
India is home to a large population of ethnic Tamils and the Indian state is believed to have clandestinely supported the Tamil cause in Sri Lanka since its very inception. However, in 1987, then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi decided send in Indian peacekeeping troops to Sri Lanka, to crush the LTTE and Tamil nationalist movement in the neighboring country.
Consequently, the LTTE, under the leadership of Prabhakaran, orchestrated the assassination of the then Indian Prime Minister, when he was targeted by a female suicide bomber in during a public meeting in Tamil Nadu in 1991.
The incident made Prabhakaran the most wanted man in India and changed the public opinion about the Tamilian cause in Sri Lanka, even though the LTTE leader never claimed responsibility for the assassination. 'It is a tragic incident that happened 10 years ago. We are not in a position to make a comment,' Prabhakaran told reporters in 2002. Prabhakaran's cult of personality
Over the years, the LTTE became a cult of personality centered around Prabhakaran as the group steadily acquired massive caches of conventional weapons, and also pioneered two of the most brutal tactics of modern guerrilla warfare; child recruitment and suicide bombing.
As per 1996 UN report, children as young as 10 deployed to kill women and children in remote rural villages, while about 40%-60% dead LTTE fighters during the 1990s were children under 18, according to a 2004 Human Rights Watch report. Later in 1987, Prabhakaran founded the Black Tigers– suicide cadres of the LTTE, most of whom were young women.
These future suicide bombers would be graced with a private dinner with Prabhakaran, before being deployed on their missions, as per reports. How Prabhakaran was killed?
On May 18, 2009, the Sri Lankan government announced that Prabhakaran had been killed in action by Sri Lankan forces, decades after the dreaded terrorist leader had been pursued by the country's armed forces through jungles and other rough terrains. Akin to other LTTE fighters, Prabhakaran had pledged to die by suicide, and reportedly wore a cyanide capsule around his neck if he was ever captured by the Sri Lankan Army.
In a 2002 press conference, the LTTE supremo revealed that he has directed his aides and bodyguards to kill him if his capture was imminent, and he was unable to end his life at that time. A day after his death, the Sri Lankan army released images of his dead body, still draped in LTTE fatigues, on state-run TV, where his face was clearly visible.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Mint
5 minutes ago
- Mint
India-UK FTA: Experts are bullish on these sectors, recommend top stocks that can benefit from the agreement
India-UK FTA: Various sectors and stocks from the Indian stock market will likely hog the limelight on Friday, July 25, when trading resumes on the bourses following the landmark free trade agreement (FTA) between India and the UK. The FTA, which covers a wide array of sectors, will cut tariffs for various British imports while 99% of Indian exports to the UK would see duties eliminated to zero, including for segments like textiles, leather goods, agri products, medical devices and drugs, as per the documents shared by Indian officials. Additionally, the India-UK FTA will make it easier for British firms to export whisky, cars and other products to the country. The FTA signed by the two countries is expected to boost bilateral trade by around $34 billion annually. The deal was signed by Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal and his British counterpart Jonathan Reynold in the presence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his British counterpart Keir Starmer. Analysts believe that the India-UK trade deal is a lesson in global economic diplomacy and India's growing prominence in global trade. It assumes even more importance for India as it negotiates a trade deal with the US amid tariff threats. Moreover, with the China-plus-one policy gathering steam, India has emerged as an alternative. Analysts said that for India, the FTA could lead to more exports and greater foreign investment. Harshal Dassani, Business Head, INVasset PMS, said the zero-duty access to UK markets for textiles, gems, jewellery, seafood, engineering goods, and pharmaceuticals comes at a time when global supply chains are seeking China+1 partners. The agreement isn't just a diplomatic milestone—it's a targeted economic catalyst for multiple Indian sectors, Dasani added. Meanwhile, Pallavi Bakhru, Partner and UK Corridor Leader, Grant Thornton Bharat, believes the India–UK free trade agreement marks a pivotal moment - not only for boosting bilateral trade volumes, but for sparking employment and industrial renewal across both economies. She added that this FTA could unlock £25.5 billion in annual trade. Analysts largely remain bullish on sectors like textiles, gems and jewellery, and seafood as the deal opens direct market access in these export verticals. Additionally, they are also bullish on the sectors like auto, pharma and agriculture that could benefit. According to the FTA, Indian farm products will get the same low-tax treatment as products from top European countries like Germany, with India securing zero duties on 95% of agriculture and processed food items. Against this backdrop, Mahesh Ojha of Hensex sees agriculture-related stocks seeing an upside. "Duty-free access is expected to increase agri exports by over 20% in the next three years, contributing to India's goal of $100 billion agri-exports by 2030," the official said. The CETA eliminates UK tariffs on India's marine products. Despite the UK's $5.4 billion marine import market, India's share remains at just 2.25%, underscoring a significant untapped opportunity. Against this backdrop, Dasani said marine exporters such as Avanti Feeds could scale volumes rapidly with tariff barriers lifted. Under the FTA, there will be no import duties on Indian textiles and leather, which will make India more competitive with other exporting countries like Bangladesh and Cambodia. Dasani said for labour-intensive sectors like textiles, companies such as Vardhman Textiles and Arvind will benefit from an 8–12% cost advantage over global peers, unlocking new export orders. Meanwhile, Ojha recommends Welspun India and Arvind. India's total gems and jewellery exports to the UK are valued at $941 million, with $400 million coming from jewellery. The FTA opens up a huge market as the UK imports approximately $3 billion worth of jewellery annually. According to officials, tariff relaxations under the FTA are projected to double India's gems and Jewellery exports to the UK within the next 2-3 years. Jewellery and gems players like Titan and Kalyan Jewellers will gain from duty-free access in a high-margin market like the UK, where Indian craftsmanship is already well regarded, Dasani recommended. From 16% to zero, tariffs have been eliminated on India's leather and footwear. Ojha expects Relaxo and Bata India to benefit from this agreement. Engineering and auto component firms, notably Bosch India and SKF India, will ride on increased machinery and precision equipment exports, aided by a trusted trading framework, said Dasani. India will cut duties to 10% from over 100% under a quota system that will be gradually liberalised. In return, Indian manufacturers will gain access to the UK market for electric and hybrid vehicles, also under a quota system. Meanwhile, Ojha recommends looking at Tata Motors, Bharat Forge and Sona Comstar. Under the trade agreement, tariffs on Scotch whisky will drop to 75% from 150%, and then slide to 40% over the next decade, according to the British government. This, according to Ojha spells good for United Spirits, a subsidiary of UK-based Diageo PLC. Further, the focus on services, defence, education, and climate opens up avenues for IT giants like Infosys and TCS through greater mobility and cross-border contracts, Dasani said. "As tariffs fall and credibility rises, Indian exporters gain pricing power, scale access, and long-term visibility—key ingredients for rerating export-heavy portfolios in 2025 and beyond," he added. (With inputs from agencies) Disclaimer: This story is for educational purposes only. The views and recommendations made above are those of individual analysts or broking companies, and not of Mint. We advise investors to check with certified experts before making any investment decisions.
Indian Express
5 minutes ago
- Indian Express
India-UK Free Trade Deal: Starmer's Labour government, unlike the Conservatives, is in tune with New Delhi
Prime Minister Narendra Modi's ongoing visit to the United Kingdom is his first both since 2021 and under a Labour government. Today, India and the UK signed the free trade deal. The visit and the deal are reflections of deeper strategic shifts. Despite three Conservative prime ministers in that interval — Boris Johnson, Liz Truss, and Rishi Sunak — none could secure a reciprocal visit. Now, within a year of Keir Starmer's election victory, Modi is in London. The timing is more than symbolic, it's strategic. The visit offers a quiet rebuke to the rhetoric-heavy but deliverable-light Conservative decade. It also signals India's readiness to work with a Labour Party that has rebranded itself away from the Jeremy Corbyn-era posture New Delhi once viewed with suspicion. More significantly, this reset brings with it a transformed global order. Donald Trump is back in the White House. China continues to test the boundaries of multilateralism. And India, pursuing strategic autonomy, is strengthening relationships with middle powers that offer substance without volatility. The past decade of Conservative governments often showcased symbolic gestures toward India but saw limited progress on core issues. Modi's last UK trip, in November 2021 for the CoP26 summit under Johnson, focused on climate talks and the 2030 Roadmap. That document laid out a promising vision of enhanced cooperation across trade, defence, and technology. But the groundwork largely stagnated thereafter. Sunak's premiership (2022–2024) was expected to mark a turning point. His Indian heritage was frequently cited as a diplomatic asset, and his government did keep the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) talks alive. However, progress proved elusive. The mobility of professionals, work visas, and mutual market access became sticking points. For a post-Brexit UK struggling with internal divisions over immigration and labour, meaningful compromise with India was politically untenable. Beyond trade, Conservative governments failed to convert shared interests — like Indo-Pacific coordination or defence industrial collaboration — into formalised outcomes. Political churn in the UK didn't help: Five prime ministers in seven years left little room for sustained foreign policy execution. Meanwhile, India stayed patient. Modi skipped a state-level visit throughout Sunak's term, even as the British PM attended the G20 Summit in Delhi and expressed willingness to deepen ties. The message from Delhi was implicit: Personal symbolism alone cannot compensate for institutional incoherence. Labour's electoral return under Starmer comes after a deliberate recalibration of its India posture. Under Corbyn, Labour was viewed in India as a party uncomfortably aligned with activist diaspora factions. Controversial motions on Kashmir, particularly the 2019 resolution calling for international intervention post-Article 370, had soured perceptions in New Delhi. The 2019 UK election saw many British-Indian voters swing towards the Conservatives in response. Starmer recognised the damage and methodically course-corrected. From 2021 onward, he emphasised bilateralism over diasporic activism, discouraged party-level interventions on India's internal matters, and made concerted outreach efforts to the British-Indian business community. By the time Labour entered the 2024 election, its manifesto made no mention of Kashmir — signaling a quiet break from the Corbyn line. This recalibration did not go unnoticed in New Delhi. Modi's current visit is as much an endorsement of Labour's new posture as it is a reflection of India's evolving foreign policy playbook. The Modi government, known for its pragmatism in global alignments, now sees Labour as capable of delivering on long-stalled areas like migration pathways, tech partnerships, and defence production linkages. Crucially, Starmer's administration arrives at a moment when India is reassessing its global bets. The return of Trump to the US presidency has reintroduced volatility into a relationship India had carefully institutionalised over the last four years. Trump's track record — a mix of performative warmth ('Howdy Modi') and unexpected diplomacy (Kashmir mediation offers) — makes policy predictability a concern once again. While India-US ties remain deep — especially on technology and defence — Trump's dalliance with Pakistan's military remains in Indian memory. With Washington's course uncertain, New Delhi is investing heavily in European ties that promise depth without drama. Modi's visit to the UK in July 2025 also reflects broader shifts in India's worldview. Strategic autonomy remains the guiding principle, but its execution now depends on diversifying partnerships that offer both geopolitical insulation and economic upside. In that sense, the UK — post-Brexit, realigning, and eager to redefine its global relevance — fits neatly into India's multipolar strategy. The China question looms large. For both India and the UK, the economic fallout of dependency on China, along with Beijing's assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific and Europe, has created shared urgency. Labour's foreign policy team is expected to take a firmer line on Beijing, aligned with US and EU concerns but filtered through a post-Brexit lens. For India, which has faced continued tensions along the LAC, this opens space for tighter cooperation on digital supply chains, rare earths, cybersecurity, and infrastructure resilience. Unlike previous UK-India engagements that leaned heavily on diaspora imagery — such as the mega Modi rallies in Wembley (2015) or the repeated invocations of 'shared heritage'— this visit under Labour is quiet, businesslike, and domain-specific. It reflects a maturing of the relationship, moving from optics to outcome. The focus: FTA revival, joint tech innovation, defence industrial cooperation, and mobility partnerships in higher education and healthcare. Perhaps most importantly, Starmer's government does not carry the ideological burden or migration rigidity that constrained Sunak's Conservatives. There is space now to negotiate mutually beneficial frameworks — on skilled visas, education corridors, and fintech regulations—without being trapped by right-wing redlines or nostalgia-driven narratives. The fact that Modi has chosen to visit the UK under Labour reveals much about how India now ranks its diplomatic priorities. It is not identity, sentiment, or shared cultural heritage that matters most — it is institutional reliability and deliverable-focused diplomacy. The writer works at High Commission of Grenada in London
New Indian Express
5 minutes ago
- New Indian Express
'Should EC get misled by people and allow casting of fake votes': EC responds to criticism, defends Bihar SIR
Amid mounting criticim over the controversial Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in Bihar, the Election Commission on Thursday in a statement defended the exercise, asking if the poll body should instead be allowing "the dead, those who have migrated permanently or have registered themselves as electors at multiple places be included in the voters' list." "The Constitution of India is the mother of Indian fearing these things, should the Election Commission, getting misled by some people, pave the way for some to cast fake votes in the name of deceased voters, voters who have migrated permanently, voters who have got their votes registered at two places, fake voters or foreign voters, going against the Constitution, first in Bihar, then in the entire country?" Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar asked in a statement. "Isn't the authentic voter list being prepared by the Election Commission through a transparent process, the foundation stone for fair elections and a strong democracy? On these questions, sometimes or the other, all of us and all the citizens of India will have to think deeply, going beyond political ideologies. And perhaps the most appropriate time for this essential thinking for all of you has now arrived in India," he added. The statement comes amid opposition parties' mounting criticism of the poll body, alleging that the voter list revision is aimed at disenfranchising specific voter groups ahead of the upcoming Assembly polls in Bihar, in the interest of the BJP-led central government.
