Congress won Nilambur bypoll with Jamaat-e-Islami's support: Kerala BJP chief Chandrasekhar
'This is neither a victory of the Congress party nor of the UDF. This is a victory for Jamaat-e-Islami,' Chandrasekhar told ANI.
'This is a victory for Nilambur in particular. For the UDF, this has been possible due to two reasons: the active support of the Jamaat-e-Islami, which is an illegal, anti-national, and anti-constitutional organisation, and the division of the CPM votes... While the UDF views Nilambur as reflecting the sentiment of Kerala, the majority of Kerala is unlikely to vote for the Jamaat-e-Islami's mandate... It is an extremely dangerous and desperate political move by the Congress to bring the Jamaat-e-Islami into the mainstream,' the BJP leader said.
UDF candidate Aryadan Shoukath of Congress defeated LDF's M Swaraj of CPI(M) by a large margin of 11,077 votes in the Nilambur assembly by-election, polling for whoch was held on June 19.
Shoukath had secured 77,737 votes, a lead of 11,077 votes from M Swaraj of the CPM after 19 rounds of counting.
Earlier reacting to the bypoll results, CPI(M) State secretary MV Govindan had said the UDF conducted a communally divisive campaign using the its alliance with the 'radical Islamist' Jama'at-e-Islami as a front.
The CPI (M) leader said that the UDF opened the door for Islamist and Hindu majoritarian outfits to leverage votes through schismatic communal messaging. The IUML and Congress have abandoned broad-based party politics. Instead, they have stoked profoundly divisive identity politics for electoral gain, Govindan said.
The bypoll for the Nilambur seat was necessitated after the resignation of Left Democratic Front independent legislator PV Anvar, who later joined the All India Trinamool Congress (TMC) after his acrimonious break-up with the ruling alliance.
In its official statement, Congress in Kerala had said, 'Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) has won the Nilambur assembly constituency, a sitting seat of the ruling CPM combine, by a huge margin of over 11,000 votes. Big congrats to Aryadan Shoukath and the entire Congress-UDF team that worked relentlessly for this shining victory.'
'Successive bypoll wins and a clean sweep in the parliament elections by the Congress and UDF have proved beyond doubt that the anti-incumbency sentiment against the Pinarayi Vijayan government is gaining momentum by the day. Now the anger of the people has reached its peak. The government cannot escape the heat or continue to live in denial, hiding behind the multi-crore PR machinery,' it added. (ANI)
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
NDTV
14 minutes ago
- NDTV
Hemant Khandelwal To Ravindra Chavan: A Look At 9 New BJP State Chiefs
New Delhi: The BJP on Wednesday announced Hemant Kumar Khandelwal as its new chief of the Madhya Pradesh unit, moving closer to picking the replacement of the party's national president, JP Nadda. The ruling party has recently announced nine new state heads and has so far conducted elections for 28 states and union territories - nine more than the required number of 19 for the election of the national president - since its internal polls started last year. The BJP sources, however, said the election of the national president will be conducted only after the successful completion of elections of key states like Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, Karnataka, Delhi and Haryana, among others. Here's a look at new BJP state chiefs: Hemant Khandelwal - Madhya Pradesh Hemant Khandelwal is currently an MLA from Betul. He has also been an MP from Betul, which was won by his father, late Vijay Khandelwal, four times (1996-2008). Khandelwal, a two-time MLA, has strong roots in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and is considered to be close to Chief Minister Mohan Yadav. Two-time MLA from Betul, currently serving his second term after regaining the seat in 2023. The 60-year-old has also served as the BJP's district president of Betul and state party treasurer. He has also headed the Kushabhau Thakre Trust, a key ideological and training wing of the party. By appointing Mr Khandelwal, the BJP has signalled its outreach to the strong Vaishya community in Madhya Pradesh and has balanced delicate caste balance with an Other Backward Class (OBC) chief minister and an upper caste state president. Ravindra Chavan - Maharashtra Ravindra Chavan is a four-term MLA from Dombivali and has replaced Chandrashekhar Bawankule. Mr Chavan has held several key portfolios, including Public Works, Food and Civil Supplies, and Consumer Protection, in the Maharashtra government. He also served as Guardian Minister for Palghar and Sindhudurg districts. Mr Chavan, who was appointed Working President of the BJP Maharashtra unit in January, is also seen as a close aide of Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis and has strong backing from the RSS. The 54-year-old also played a crucial role in the formation of the BJP-led coalition government in Maharashtra. His appointment as the state BJP chief is seen as a strategic move ahead of key local body elections in Mumbai. Mahendra Bhatt - Uttarakhand Rajya Sabha MP Mahendra Bhatt has been reelected as the Uttarakhand BJP president. The 53-year-old, who first took over as Uttarakhand BJP chief in 2022, is the only party chief in the state to get a successive term in 25 years. Mr Bhatt, a two-time MLA, began his political career with the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad in the early 1990s. He became the BJP Yuva Morcha's state president in 2000 and served till 2002. He won his first assembly election in 2002 from Nandprayag and represented the constituency till 2007. In 2017, he won the Badrinath assembly seat. With his re-election, the BJP has balanced caste equations in the state, with Pushkar Singh Dhami, a Thakur, as chief minister, and Mr Bhatt, a Brahmin, as state president. Rajeev Bindal - Himachal Pradesh Rajeev Bindal now has a rare distinction to be re-elected for a third straight term as the president of the BJP's Himachal Pradesh unit. He is a five-time MLA - three terms from Solan and two from Nahan. Mr Bindal, 70, has served as the health minister in the Prem Kumar Dhumal-led BJP government (2007-2012). He also held the post of speaker of the Himachal Pradesh assembly from 2018 to 2020. A doctor by profession, Mr Bindal served in Jharkhand under RSS's Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad. He is a close aide of Mr Nadda and the RSS. PVN Madhav - Andhra Pradesh PVN Madhav is the BJP's new Andhra Pradesh president and has been tasked with strengthening the party's presence in alliance with Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu-led Telugu Desam Party (TDP), and deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan's Janasena party in the ruling NDA coalition. His father, PV Chalapati Rao, was the first BJP state president of undivided Andhra Pradesh. He is a former Member of the Legislative Council (MLC), representing the North Andhra Graduates' constituency. The 51-year-old has held key roles in Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM) and RSS-affiliated organisations. He previously served as the general secretary of the Andhra Pradesh BJP. Mr Madhav represents the Backwards Classes and will help the BJP broaden its social base in Andhra's caste-driven politics. N Ramchander Rao - Telangana N Ramchander Rao, a former MLC and senior Supreme Court advocate, will lead the BJP's Telangana unit. He has also served as the chief spokesperson and General Secretary of the BJP in undivided Andhra Pradesh. Mr Rao, 66, has been chosen over high-profile contenders like Etala Rajender and Arvind Dharmapuri. He, however, faced a revolt from senior leader Raja Singh, who quit the party to lodge a strong protest against his appointment. Backed by the RSS and senior BJP leaders for his loyalty and non-factional image, he is known for bridging old and new factions within the party. He has also been credited with strengthening the BJP's legal and ideological framework in Telangana. K Beichhua - Mizoram K Beichhua, a three-time MLA from Siaha, will lead the BJP's Mizoram faction. The 59-year-old, who has served as a medical officer for 16 years, was elected to the assembly from Siaha on a Mizo National Front (MNF) ticket for two consecutive terms in 2013 and 2018. He joined the BJP in 2023 after his expulsion from the MNF in January that year and won the seat. He is one of the two BJP MLAs in the current 40-member Mizoram assembly. Mr Beichhua was a minister holding various portfolios, including Excise and Narcotics, in the previous MNF dispensation headed by Zoramthanga. VP Ramalingam - Puducherry VP Ramalingam, brother of former Congress leader VP Sivakolundhu, is the new BJP's Puducherry unit president. The 63-year-old industrialist-turned-politician joined the BJP in 2021. He was then nominated as an MLA following the formation of the AINRC-BJP coalition government. Anil Tiwari - Andaman and Nicobar Anil Tiwari has been appointed as the BJP's new president of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands unit. He joined the BJP in 1990 and has a strong background with the RSS. Mr Tiwari previously served as State Secretary and is credited with strengthening booth-level management across the islands/
NDTV
15 minutes ago
- NDTV
No, Bangladesh's Islamist Descent Is Not Yunus' Doing Alone
In April, the brutal killing of a member and leader of an organisation of a minority community. In May, mass protests against proposed legal reforms for women. In June, the demolition of a prominent place of worship of a minority community. In the same week in June, a brutal attack on another member of the minority community over charges of "blasphemy". It may read like a litany straight from ISIS (Islamic State) lands. But sadly, and rather ominously, this is happening in neighbouring Bangladesh. While attacks on Hindus - all the aforementioned attacks were against members of the minuscule Hindu community, which now makes up a mere 8% of Bangladesh's population - have increased manifold since August last year, when the government of former prime minister Sheikh Hasina was overthrown. Violence against other minority communities, such as Buddhists in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, has also grown since then. Bangladesh is hurtling into an Islamist cesspool under the watch, ironically, of Nobel laureate Yunus Mohammad. One of the most recent acts of the Yunus-led interim government was to register the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh (JIB) as a political party. That means it can now contest elections in Bangladesh. The outfit's reinstatement in Bangladesh's political life bodes ill not only for Hindus but also for the country's Muslim majority. The Origins Of The Jamaat The organisation has a complex and tortuous history. Born in undivided India in 1941, the Jamaat is the subcontinental twin of the Middle East's Muslim Brotherhood, with which it maintained close ties. Founded by ideologue Syed Abul Ala Mawdudi, it advocated for the establishment - even by force, if required - for an Islamic sharia state in India. Mawdudi, often hailed for opposing the Partition of 1947, did so only because he wanted to see Sharia established in all of the subcontinent, not just a part. During the Partition, he moved to Pakistan and subsequently led the JeI Pakistan, from which later sprang the Bangladesh Jamaat. True to its goal, the Bangladesh Jamaat played a significant role during the 1971 liberation war, collaborating closely and extensively with the Pakistani army. Many of its leaders were later imprisoned and executed on charges of war crimes, and many Bangladeshis, especially older generations, remain wary of it. Nevertheless, the Jamaat remained a potent force in both Bangladesh's society and politics, often aligning itself with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, a major political force in the country. In fact, its student wing, the Bangladesh Chatro Shibir, was at the forefront of the protests - and the ensuing violence - that led to Hasina's ouster last year. The Hefazat-e-Islam In 2013, a court ruling revoked the organisation's registration as a political party. But soon, other groups such as the Hefazat-e-Islam sprang up as fronts. The Hefazat, launched in 2010 to "protect Islam" from the then-ruling party, the secular Awami League, was spurred into action particularly by a proposed policy to confer equal inheritance rights to women. It was the Hefazat that in 2021 had mounted protests when Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Bangladesh to celebrate the golden jubilee of its Independence and the birth centenary of its founder, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The protests had left 12 people dead across different districts. Last year, the Hasina government banned the Jamaat for its role in fomenting the violent protests against her. However, within a month of coming to power, the new interim government in Dhaka lifted the ban. Recently, the Jamaat was at the forefront of nationwide protests against a bill for legal reforms for Muslim women. Against this background, it may be tempting to lay all the blame for the 'Talibanisation of Bangladesh' at Yunus's doorstep. But that may not be entirely correct. The truth is that this shift has been underway in Bangladesh for a long time now, and was visible - even ignored - under the regime of Hasina, India's 'great friend'. The Emboldening Of Radicalists For many Bangladeshis, the event that is most etched in memory and emotion is not the 1947 Partition of India, but the 1971 war with Pakistan, which had been the country's western wing. Having faced brutality and genocide at the hands of their co-religionists, the 1971 liberation struggle had envisaged Bangladesh as a secular, plural state. Yet, the first attack on Hindus in independent Bangladesh occurred just the next year in 1972, targeting Durga Puja celebrations, a festival important to Bengali Hindus. Over the years, such persecution continued, and the percentage of Hindus in the country dwindled from over 20% to 8%. When hardly any convictions followed, it emboldened the perpetrators of such attacks, which included vandalism of temples, desecration of deities, arson, and plunder. Often, these attacks have been carried out on the flimsiest and sometimes non-existent grounds, often under the excuse of 'blasphemy' or 'hurting the feelings of Muslims'. When The Constitution Was Tweaked The roots for the institutionalisation of Islamism were undoubtedly laid down by General Ziaur Rahman, who, through a military proclamation, amended the 1972 Constitution and inserted ' Bismillah-Ar-Rahman-Ar-Rahim ' ('in the name of Allah, the beneficent, the merciful') in the preamble. The principle of secularism was removed from the Constitution in 1977 through the Fifth Amendment. In 1988, Islam was declared the state religion. A few major factors that strengthened the cause of Islamism were the Iranian revolution and the discovery of oil in the Arab Gulf. The latter drove many to migrate from Bangladesh to the Gulf in search of work, where an ideological indoctrination took place. On their return home, these workers would implement similar rules in their homes and communities. Simultaneously, many Gulf countries began to export Wahabism in order to counter Iran's Shiite theocracy. Bangladesh did not remain immune to these shifts underway in the larger Muslim world. Slowly, money started pouring into Bangladesh for the construction of newer, swankier mosques, more and more madrasas, more 'dawah', and, in general, for more culturally Arabised and puritanical ways. All of this ultimately translated into intolerance for alternative ideas and views. Ghosts Of The Taliban The rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan gave yet another fillip to Islamism in Bangladesh. During the Soviet-Afghan war - or the Afghan jihad - many Bangladeshis had travelled to Afghanistan to fight the Soviets. The slogan "Amra hobo Taliban/ Bangla hobe Afghan' ['We will be Taliban, Bangla(desh) will be Afghanistan'] came to be a popular slogan in the 1990s in Bangladesh. For instance, Mullah Omar, the founding leader of the Taliban, was said to have 200 recruits from Bangladesh amongst his personal guards. After the war, many of these hardened jihadists returned to Bangladesh and helped spread their radical ideology. In fact, next month, Bangladesh will mark the 20th anniversary of the nationwide bombings on August 17, 2005, which targeted 63 of Bangladesh's 64 districts, including government buildings, train stations, courtrooms, etc. The attacks, which saw over 500 bombs going off at 300 locations, were the handiwork of the Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), whose founder and spiritual leader Shaykh Abdur Rahman had participated in the Soviet-Afghan war. When Hasina Looked The Other Way Through all these years, the slow disenfranchisement of minority groups in Bangladesh has continued. No commissions to protect their rights were instituted - not even by the Awami League, which was in power for much of Bangladesh's history. The first major violence against Hindus in Bangladesh took place in 1992 after the Babri Masjid demolition in India, when the BNP government led by Khaleda Zia was in power. By 2001, when her government was re-elected, attacks against Hindus in Bangladesh had peaked. The situation didn't improve under Hasina's rule either. While the attacks were certainly not orchestrated by the Awami League, her government was happy to look the other way. While it cracked down on terror groups such as the JMB, other outfits, like the Ansar ul Islam - said to be the Bangladesh chapter of Al Qaeda - and those linked to ISIS, mushroomed. Attacks against women, Hindus, secular groups, members of the LGBT groups, writers, artists increased. Many Bangladeshis, even entire families in some cases, migrated to the Islamic State caliphate that had been established for a brief period from 2014-2017 in Syria and Iraq. Amidst all this, Sheikh Hasina, otherwise trying to live up to the ideals of her father Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman - his house-museum was recently vandalised, by the way - turned a blind eye to the Islamist fundamentalism taking root in Bangladeshi society. Ironically, this was the same Hasina who would crush legitimate political opposition with a heavy hand. Under her watch, Bangladesh witnessed several ISIS-like lone wolf attacks on journalists, bloggers and reformists, targeting of Hindus over trumped-up blasphemy charges, and disruption of Durga Puja celebrations. The Undoing Of A Secular Bangladesh Critics have pointed out how the Hasina government's 2018 Digital Security Act targeted mediapersons and political activists but not religious radicals or communal activists, whose hate speech against non-Muslims often went viral on social media. A particularly glaring shortcoming of her government that history will record with great astonishment is the failure to institutionalise corrective mechanisms for protecting the rights and addressing the grievances of minority communities, who had offered her their unwavering support for years. In the run-up to the 2018 elections, the General Assembly of the Bangladesh Hindu-Buddhist-Christian Unity Council presented various demands to all political parties, including the formation of a National Minority Commission, a minority ministry, and the formulation of laws for the protection of minorities and against discrimination. Nothing came of this initiative even though Hasina remained in power for six more years after that. Today, under the Yunus administration, extremist elements in Bangladeshi society have been emboldened to act freely without fear or even a fig leaf of the tolerance and pluralism that the Awami League had somewhat defended. Not just minorities, but even majority Muslims will have to bear the brunt of this growing radicalisation. The protests against the women's bill will ultimately affect Muslim women, while the enfranchisement of the JIB could contribute to tensions within the community as radicalists push the canon of an 'ideal Muslim'. Bangladesh, once a shining beacon in the Muslim world, may just have become a textbook case of how not to go about a regime change. (The author is a journalist and political analyst)
The Hindu
15 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Congress slams Modi govt over Pakistan's UNSC presidency, calls it 'diplomatic setback'
The Congress on Wednesday (July 2, 2025) slammed the PM Modi-led government for 'failing to prevent Pakistan' from assuming key positions in the United Nations, calling it a 'major diplomatic setback for India'. Pakistan on Tuesday said that it assumed the Presidency of the UN Security Council for the month of July. The presidency of the Security Council — the world body's power centre — is part of Pakistan's two-year term as a non-permanent member of the UNSC, which began in January 2025. In addition, Pakistan will chair the Taliban Sanctions Committee and serve as vice-chair of the UN Counter-Terrorism Committee. Speaking to reporters here, Congress general secretary Randeep Singh Surjewala said, "the terror state of Pakistan has now been made the global security broker. The devil is now in the chair." Pakistan, "a terror state with a proven record of harbouring terrorists, promoting terrorism, and exporting terror to India" was being elevated to global leadership positions, even as India continues to face terror attacks sponsored by it, he said. "This happened just weeks after the Pahalgam terror attack, which was Pakistan-sponsored," Mr. Surjewala alleged, questioning the Modi government's "silence and inaction". He claimed Pakistan's elevation came "despite all the bravado on foreign policy" displayed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar, who, he alleged, had failed to rally global support to prevent this outcome. 'Repeated violations' Citing a specific instance, Mr. Surjewala pointed out that Pakistan assumed the vice-chair of the UN Counter-Terrorism Committee on June 4, 2025, despite its repeated violations of international resolutions on terrorism. "What are the Prime Minister, the Foreign Minister, and India's Permanent Representative to the UN doing," he asked. He also criticised the government for failing to protest when Pakistan, allegedly backed by China, blocked India's proposal to designate Abdul Rauf, a known anti-India terrorist, as a global terrorist in the same Counter-Terrorism Committee. "The same Pakistan becomes vice-chair of the Counter-Terrorism Committee, and the Government of India raises no objection," Mr. Surjewala claimed. He also lamented the 'decline' of India's traditional diplomatic ties. "Our old and trusted allies, relationships built by the Congress across the world, in Asia, and our neighbourhood have been alienated. Today, we are isolated. Even smaller nations like the Maldives, Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka no longer stand with us." "Diplomacy requires more than photo-ops and optics," he said.
