Russian tycoon scores victory in legal battle against Western media
'false'
statements about the billionaire, RBK reported on Sunday, citing Usmanov's press office.
The Berlin-based publication Tagesspiegel, controlled by the German publisher DvH Medien, has been barred from spreading a series of false and defamatory claims about the Uzbek-born businessman. The ruling, a copy of which was obtained by the outlet, was made by the Hamburg Regional Court on February 3. Failing to comply will reportedly result in a fine of up to €250,000 ($258,000) per violation or imprisonment for up to two years for repeated breaches, the media outlet noted.
The litigation was reportedly focused on a piece by Andrey Popov titled
'A Fan of Germany and a Friend of Putin: Who is the Russian Oligarch Alisher Usmanov?'
published by Tagesspiegel in November 2024. The article contained a number of allegations, including claims about assets in Germany purportedly owned by the mogul along with accusations that he used his unproved connections with Russian authorities to boost his fortune.
The piece was deleted shortly after a request from Usmanov's lawyer, EU Today noted, but the newspaper continued to spread the claims, forcing the businessman to seek legal redress.
The latest ruling specifically bans the statements alleging that the businessman
'was able to buy up major Soviet-era assets at bargain prices in exchange for services and cooperation with the authorities,'
as well as claims that
'the foundation of his prosperity was securing large and highly lucrative government contracts without real competition—such as in the construction sector.'
READ MORE:
German judge backs Russian tycoon over US media giant
Moreover, the court prohibited the newspaper from further claims about property on Lake Tegernsee in Bavaria or the yacht Dilbar, allegedly owned by Usmanov, after Tagesspiegel failed to provide any evidence proving the ownership of the property.
The court ruling, described by Usmanov's attorneys as
'a landmark decision,'
is not the first victory clinched by the billionaire in his legal battle against Western media giants spreading misinformation about him. A year ago, the District Court of Hamburg in Germany banned Forbes magazine from disseminating statements about his alleged connection to Russian President Vladimir Putin.
In October 2024, Usmanov filed a criminal complaint with the prosecutor's office in the German city of Cologne seeking to hold Hans-Joachim Seppelt, a journalist with the German TV channel ARD, criminally liable for claims that the tycoon was behind a scheme to manipulate referees during the Paris 2024 Olympic Games. Media holding Westdeutscher Rundfunk (WDR) that runs the broadcaster had previously admitted that the reports were libelous.
The businessman, whose fortune is estimated by Forbes at $14.9 billion, was placed under EU sanctions over the alleged ties to Putin shortly after the escalation of the Ukraine conflict in 2022. Usmanov attempted to challenge Brussels' decision to blacklist him, but his appeal has been dismissed.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Russia Today
11 hours ago
- Russia Today
‘Ganba' in Kiev: Zelensky goes to war with Washington's men
Ukraine is seeing its first mass protests since the start of the conflict with Russia – and they're not about battlefield losses or conscription raids, but corruption. Or rather, a particular kind of corruption: the kind linked to Vladimir Zelensky's attempts to seize control of the anti-corruption agencies. Since July 22, thousands have taken to the streets chanting 'Ganba!' ('Shame!'), echoing the spirit of past Maidan uprisings. But this is no popular revolt. It's a turf war – an internal power struggle between two rival camps in Ukraine's elite. On one side are Zelensky and his right-hand man, Andrey Yermak – let's call them the 'Office faction,' based in Bankova Street. On the other are the foreign-funded NGOs, intelligence-linked assets, and the remnants of former President Pyotr Poroshenko's political machine. These include the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialised Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO) – bodies created at the West's insistence to impose external control over Ukrainian politics. The spark was a recent bill rammed through the Rada in emergency mode. The law stripped NABU and SAPO of their autonomy and placed them under the control of Ukraine's Prosecutor General – effectively, Zelensky's office. In other words, the very agencies tasked with investigating corruption must now report to the people they're meant to investigate. Unsurprisingly, the 'anti-corruption' camp cried foul. But this isn't really about clean government – it's about influence. For years, NABU and SAPO operated as instruments of Western leverage, particularly from the Democratic Party establishment in Washington. They answered more to US and EU embassies than to the Ukrainian people. And Zelensky has finally had enough. The timing is no accident. With Donald Trump back in power, the institutional support once enjoyed by the Poroshenko-era clique is fading. Zelensky saw an opening – and struck. His first move came earlier this year with corruption cases targeting Poroshenko himself. Now, he's gone after the crown jewels of Western liberal influence in Kiev. The message is clear: there is to be no parallel power structure. The president wants full control. But it may be a gamble too far. Western European officials, already frustrated with Kiev's domestic conduct, quickly warned that Ukraine's EU accession bid could be blocked. The opposition, sensing blood, brought people into the streets – and unlike previous protests, these gained traction fast. On Wednesday, the Bankova realised the crowd wasn't going home. The real question now is whether Zelensky will stand firm or retreat. Early in his presidency, he was terrified of sharing Viktor Yanukovich's fate and often folded under public pressure. But war changes men. He now rules over a cleansed political landscape, has a wartime excuse to quash dissent, and is backed by a disciplined vertical of power. Yermak, a ruthless operator, may urge him to dig in. Yet the risks are considerable. Zelensky has never managed to convince Western Europe that he's irreplaceable. If Brussels decides to pull the plug – financially or politically – his position could unravel fast. The same donors who once backed him could soon be shopping for a more pliant successor. And even if he climbs down and restores NABU and SAPO's powers, the damage is done. The opposition has momentum. Western backers will start asking tough questions. And the illusion of Zelensky as a unifying, democratic wartime leader will take another hit. None of this means Ukraine is headed for collapse – but it does suggest Zelensky is more vulnerable than he appears. His grip on power now depends on how far he's willing to go to silence opposition, both foreign and domestic. If he wins this standoff, he'll emerge as the undisputed master of Ukraine. If he loses, it could trigger a slow bleed of authority that leads to a political reckoning. The most likely outcome? A messy stalemate. Zelensky may backtrack enough to appease the EU but not enough to restore full control to the Western-funded agencies. The protests may fizzle or grow, depending on how much oxygen the opposition and its foreign patrons can pump in. But whatever happens, one thing is clear: Ukraine's politics are fracturing again. The West's man in Kiev is no longer playing by the West's rules. And his enemies – both at home and abroad – are watching closely. For now, all we can do is enjoy the show. And hope it runs a while article was first published by the online newspaper and was translated and edited by the RT team
Russia Today
11 hours ago
- Russia Today
Moscow backs new defense deal with African state
The Russian government has approved a draft law to ratify a military cooperation agreement with Togo, TASS reported on Tuesday, citing meeting documents. The decision by the government commission on legislative activity comes as Moscow deepens defense ties in West Africa, where French influence has waned in recent years. The deal includes provisions for joint military training and exercises, Vladimir Gruzdev, a member of the commission and chairman of the Board of the Association of Lawyers of Russia, told the agency. According to Gruzdev, the pact also provides for emergency medical assistance between the Russian and Togolese militaries. He described Togo as a strategically positioned partner, calling it the most 'organized and equipped' country in Tropical Africa. 'For example, the busiest seaport in the West African region is located on its territory,' he stated. Moscow has stepped up its military engagement in Africa in recent years, with President Vladimir Putin saying last November that several countries across the continent are increasingly seeking its security support. Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger—Togo's West African neighbors—have severed defense ties with former colonial power France and expelled French troops over alleged aggression and their failure to contain surging jihadist insurgency in the Sahel region. The three countries have formed the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) and turned to Russia – praised by their leaders as a reliable partner – for security cooperation to counter militant violence that has claimed an estimated 10,400 lives in the region in 2024. Togo is increasingly facing cross-border violence, with 10 attacks and 52 deaths recorded in 2024 – the highest since records began, according to the Global Terrorism Index. Last July, around 100 fighters from the al Qaeda-linked Group for Support of Islam and Muslims launched a large-scale attack on a military post near the Burkina Faso border, reportedly killing a dozen Togolese soldiers. In April, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov reaffirmed Moscow's support for the AES bloc, affirming that Russia is ready to help strengthen the joint Sahel forces, boost the combat readiness of each country's military, and assist in training armed forces and law enforcement personnel.
Russia Today
11 hours ago
- Russia Today
Zelensky backpedals on anti-corruption agencies crackdown
Ukraine's Vladimir Zelensky announced a bill on Thursday restoring the independence of the country's anti-graft agencies, after facing a wave of mass protests at home and a storm of criticism in the West. It comes two days after he signed a law granting the Prosecutor General's office the authority to intervene in the activities of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO). That followed a law enforcement raid on NABU offices and the arrest of a senior employee of the agency accused of spying for Russia. The new legislation contains 'full-fledged guarantees of the independence of anti-corruption agencies,' Zelensky claimed, adding that it is also designed to 'keep out' any alleged Russian interference. Specifically, the draft law introduces mandatory lie detector tests for employees of the NABU, SAPO and other agencies. 'The text of the bill was discussed with partners, law enforcement agencies, and representatives of the NABU and SAPO. There were many proposals from our partners to involve European experts – from the UK, Germany, and the EU,' he said. The about-face comes after the country endured a wave of protests against the clampdown on the agencies. Demonstrations were seen across the country, including in the capital Kiev, Odessa and Dnepr – the country's third- and fourth-largest cities – the western city of Lviv, and others. Critics have accused Zelensky of authoritarian tendencies and attempting to further tighten his grip on power, and argued that the move rendered the agencies 'purely decorative.' The crackdown was condemned by Kiev's key western backers, including European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, who demanded Zelensky 'respect the rule of law' and warned it could derail Ukraine's EU membership bid. The NABU and SAPO were established following the US-backed 2014 coup in Kiev and promoted as key components of reforms supposed to align Ukraine with Western governance standards and international financial institutions. Critics, however, have branded the agencies an element of external control over Ukraine's domestic affairs. At the same time, some Western officials, including US Vice President J.D. Vance, have argued that the decade-long transformation has failed to yield results or weed out entrenched corruption.
