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Iraq – Political money rules - World - Al-Ahram Weekly
The power of money is threatening to derail the parliamentary elections due to be held in Iraq later this year.
As Iraq prepares for upcoming parliamentary elections in November, a darker reality continues to emerge, one that threatens to undermine the very essence of democracy. What was meant to be a turning point for reform is now at risk of becoming a spectacle of recycled faces and entrenched powers, with political money looming as the decisive force shaping outcomes.
Leading the wave of withdrawals, the National Shia Movement led by Muqtada Al-Sadr, one of the largest blocs in the previous parliament, has announced its complete boycott of the electoral process in protest against 'financial and political corruption.' Attempts by political forces and parties to persuade Al-Sadr to reconsider have failed, and his exit has sent shockwaves through the electoral scene, reigniting concerns about legitimacy and fairness.
In a surprise move, the Al-Nasr Coalition, led by former prime minister Haider Abadi, also made headlines by declaring it would not field its own candidates in the elections. Instead, it would support 'competent and honest' figures from within the National State Forces Alliance. In an official statement, Abadi cited the 'dominance of political money, the use of public and foreign funds, and the exploitation of state resources to buy votes and distort the voters' will' as key reasons behind the decision.
Salam Al-Zubaidi, spokesperson for Al-Nasr, clarified that the move was not a withdrawal from the coalition itself but rather a rejection of participating in an election where 'money trumps merit.' He highlighted that some parties are recruiting candidates by offering astronomical sums, over one billion Iraqi dinars (approximately $750,000) in some cases, while even larger amounts are being allocated to 'super candidates,' such as wealthy businessmen or influential tribal leaders.
The electoral environment is increasingly being described as a 'political auction,' a term used by former MP Shurooq Al-Abayji, who revealed that in some districts, a single vote can cost up to $200. According to her, nearly 80 per cent of Iraqis are expected to abstain from voting in the elections, due to a deepening conviction that ballots cannot stand against the force of political money and entrenched networks.
Even Nouri Al-Maliki, head of the State of Law Coalition and a key player in the political process, has expressed concerns. 'The upcoming elections will be all about money. Competition will be financial above all else,' he said.
In Iraq's western provinces, tribal figures have disclosed that some political parties have set unofficial campaign budgets exceeding billions of Iraqi dinars, used not just for advertisements but also to secure local alliances, appoint loyalists to provincial offices, and offer services in exchange for support. Mazahim Al-Huwait, a tribal figure from Nineveh, has claimed that entire administrative networks are being mobilised using state-linked funds and ministerial connections.
Independent MP Ahmed Al-Sharmani has warned that large sums, amassed over the years through corrupt deals, are now being deployed to buy votes and shape electoral outcomes, calling on Iraq's Electoral Commission and anti-corruption bodies to audit campaign financing and investigate illegal sources of funding.
From southern Iraq, a civil society activist in Nasiriyah, speaking to Al-Ahram Weekly on condition of anonymity, said that many parties now operate like financial empires, accumulating wealth through government contracts, border crossings, and illegal levies, then repurposing these funds for elections.
'It's no longer about ideas or programmes,' he said, 'but about intimidation and inducement.' He also warned that special security voting is being manipulated, with military personnel pressured to vote for candidates endorsed by those in control.
Political analyst Mujashaa Al-Tamimi, told the Weekly that political money has become the primary mechanism for electoral control, extending beyond ministerial corruption into money laundering networks, illicit taxation, and even foreign funding. The withdrawals of prominent figures like Al-Sadr and Abadi, he said, highlight a system where fair competition is no longer viable.
Abdulamir Al-Majir echoed this concern while speaking to the Weekly, describing Iraq's pre-election period as a 'vote and candidate stock exchange.' He said that 'political money has not only distorted competition but has also been used to block opposing candidates, sideline dissident voices, and suppress civil society participation,' adding that 'with Iranian influence waning, and secular forces gaining ground, the ruling parties are clinging to money as their last resort.'
Estimates suggest that campaign spending for this election may exceed two to three trillion Iraqi dinars, roughly $2 billion, raising serious concerns about electoral fairness, source legitimacy, and the absence of regulatory oversight.
The problem runs deeper than just corruption or vote buying. Iraq's parliament has long reflected the will of party leaders more than that of the country's people. Elected members often serve their blocs, not their constituents, a dynamic rooted in how campaigns are financed and run.
As this political bazaar unfolds, the citizen's voice risks becoming just another commodity. And with no robust legal framework, weak judicial action, and sporadic media scrutiny, Iraq's democratic process appears to be increasingly rigged in favour of the powerful and the wealthy.
With November's elections approaching, the question is no longer just who will win, but whether the elections themselves can still be considered a genuine democratic exercise. Or will Iraq once again be asked to vote in a system that has already been bought and sold?
* A version of this article appears in print in the 10 July, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly
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