Latest news with #Al-Sadr


Iraqi News
2 days ago
- Politics
- Iraqi News
Coordination Framework fears potential Al-Sadr-Al-Sudani alliance ahead of Iraq's election
Baghdad ( – Leaders of Iraq's ruling Shia coalition, the Coordination Framework, held a high-level meeting on Tuesday (July 15, 2025) to discuss the latest political maneuvers by influential cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, which have sparked fears of a potential new alliance between Al-Sadr and Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani that could reshape the upcoming parliamentary elections. The meeting, held at the office of former Prime Minister and Al-Nasr Coalition leader Haider al-Abadi, focused on the repercussions of Al-Sadr's recent statements. An informed source within the Framework told a local news agency that the coalition is grappling with how to respond to this 'new equation.' Al-Sadr's calculated move: An alternative path Despite maintaining his personal boycott of the November 11, 2025 elections and recently disavowing dozens of his own followers for running against his decision, Al-Sadr on Monday hinted at a new strategy. He signaled his readiness to support an 'alternative bloc' that publicly commits to his comprehensive reform program. The key tenets of Al-Sadr's program include ensuring Iraq's independence, confining all weapons to the hands of the state, strengthening the army and police, dissolving militias, and formally organizing the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) within a new legal security framework. The Framework's fear: A Sadr-Sudani alignment According to the source, these reformist conditions, particularly regarding state control of arms and the PMF, conflict with the policies of several key parties within the Coordination Framework. More alarmingly for some, they align with the perceived leanings of their own prime minister. 'Some leaders within the Framework have detected what they consider to be preliminary signals of an unannounced alignment between Al-Sadr and the leanings of Al-Sudani on this matter,' the source explained. 'These leaders fear that Al-Sadr could provide indirect support to Al-Sudani in the upcoming elections,' creating a powerful new rival bloc that could challenge their dominance. The Framework's meeting reportedly stressed the need to contain any shifts in Shia voter sentiment that could lead to a fragmentation of their power base. Political analyst Atheer Al-Sharaa noted that Al-Sadr's recent publication of his old 'Triple Alliance' documents was a 'clear rejection of consensus-based politics,' suggesting he feels betrayed by past allies and is unwilling to repeat the experience. He added that any genuine consensus would be complex, as Al-Sadr's condition of disarming all factions has been met with rejection by some armed groups. As the November election approaches, Al-Sadr's latest move has successfully reshuffled the political deck. The Coordination Framework now faces the complex challenge of managing not only its primary rival but also the potential for a powerful new political axis to form around its own Prime Minister.


Al-Ahram Weekly
5 days ago
- Business
- Al-Ahram Weekly
Iraq – Political money rules - World - Al-Ahram Weekly
The power of money is threatening to derail the parliamentary elections due to be held in Iraq later this year. As Iraq prepares for upcoming parliamentary elections in November, a darker reality continues to emerge, one that threatens to undermine the very essence of democracy. What was meant to be a turning point for reform is now at risk of becoming a spectacle of recycled faces and entrenched powers, with political money looming as the decisive force shaping outcomes. Leading the wave of withdrawals, the National Shia Movement led by Muqtada Al-Sadr, one of the largest blocs in the previous parliament, has announced its complete boycott of the electoral process in protest against 'financial and political corruption.' Attempts by political forces and parties to persuade Al-Sadr to reconsider have failed, and his exit has sent shockwaves through the electoral scene, reigniting concerns about legitimacy and fairness. In a surprise move, the Al-Nasr Coalition, led by former prime minister Haider Abadi, also made headlines by declaring it would not field its own candidates in the elections. Instead, it would support 'competent and honest' figures from within the National State Forces Alliance. In an official statement, Abadi cited the 'dominance of political money, the use of public and foreign funds, and the exploitation of state resources to buy votes and distort the voters' will' as key reasons behind the decision. Salam Al-Zubaidi, spokesperson for Al-Nasr, clarified that the move was not a withdrawal from the coalition itself but rather a rejection of participating in an election where 'money trumps merit.' He highlighted that some parties are recruiting candidates by offering astronomical sums, over one billion Iraqi dinars (approximately $750,000) in some cases, while even larger amounts are being allocated to 'super candidates,' such as wealthy businessmen or influential tribal leaders. The electoral environment is increasingly being described as a 'political auction,' a term used by former MP Shurooq Al-Abayji, who revealed that in some districts, a single vote can cost up to $200. According to her, nearly 80 per cent of Iraqis are expected to abstain from voting in the elections, due to a deepening conviction that ballots cannot stand against the force of political money and entrenched networks. Even Nouri Al-Maliki, head of the State of Law Coalition and a key player in the political process, has expressed concerns. 'The upcoming elections will be all about money. Competition will be financial above all else,' he said. In Iraq's western provinces, tribal figures have disclosed that some political parties have set unofficial campaign budgets exceeding billions of Iraqi dinars, used not just for advertisements but also to secure local alliances, appoint loyalists to provincial offices, and offer services in exchange for support. Mazahim Al-Huwait, a tribal figure from Nineveh, has claimed that entire administrative networks are being mobilised using state-linked funds and ministerial connections. Independent MP Ahmed Al-Sharmani has warned that large sums, amassed over the years through corrupt deals, are now being deployed to buy votes and shape electoral outcomes, calling on Iraq's Electoral Commission and anti-corruption bodies to audit campaign financing and investigate illegal sources of funding. From southern Iraq, a civil society activist in Nasiriyah, speaking to Al-Ahram Weekly on condition of anonymity, said that many parties now operate like financial empires, accumulating wealth through government contracts, border crossings, and illegal levies, then repurposing these funds for elections. 'It's no longer about ideas or programmes,' he said, 'but about intimidation and inducement.' He also warned that special security voting is being manipulated, with military personnel pressured to vote for candidates endorsed by those in control. Political analyst Mujashaa Al-Tamimi, told the Weekly that political money has become the primary mechanism for electoral control, extending beyond ministerial corruption into money laundering networks, illicit taxation, and even foreign funding. The withdrawals of prominent figures like Al-Sadr and Abadi, he said, highlight a system where fair competition is no longer viable. Abdulamir Al-Majir echoed this concern while speaking to the Weekly, describing Iraq's pre-election period as a 'vote and candidate stock exchange.' He said that 'political money has not only distorted competition but has also been used to block opposing candidates, sideline dissident voices, and suppress civil society participation,' adding that 'with Iranian influence waning, and secular forces gaining ground, the ruling parties are clinging to money as their last resort.' Estimates suggest that campaign spending for this election may exceed two to three trillion Iraqi dinars, roughly $2 billion, raising serious concerns about electoral fairness, source legitimacy, and the absence of regulatory oversight. The problem runs deeper than just corruption or vote buying. Iraq's parliament has long reflected the will of party leaders more than that of the country's people. Elected members often serve their blocs, not their constituents, a dynamic rooted in how campaigns are financed and run. As this political bazaar unfolds, the citizen's voice risks becoming just another commodity. And with no robust legal framework, weak judicial action, and sporadic media scrutiny, Iraq's democratic process appears to be increasingly rigged in favour of the powerful and the wealthy. With November's elections approaching, the question is no longer just who will win, but whether the elections themselves can still be considered a genuine democratic exercise. Or will Iraq once again be asked to vote in a system that has already been bought and sold? * A version of this article appears in print in the 10 July, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link:


Shafaq News
6 days ago
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Iraq's political crossroads: Al-Sadr's boycott, Al-Hakim's mediation
As Iraq prepares for its parliamentary elections in November 2025, an uncertainty surrounds the political scene: Will influential Shiite leader Muqtada al-Sadr participate, or will his boycott continue to shape the electoral process—and its legitimacy? Al-Sadr's firm stance, grounded in his demand for sweeping reforms and an end to entrenched corruption, has not wavered. His absence threatens to depress voter turnout and undercut the credibility of the elections. Meanwhile, rival Shiite factions have turned to a seasoned intermediary—Ammar al-Hakim—in a last-ditch effort to bring the powerful cleric back into the fold. Al-Sadr's Position: Non-Negotiable Demands? Al-Sadr has reiterated, in increasingly stark terms, his refusal to engage in what he describes as a fundamentally corrupt political process. His withdrawal from parliament in June 2022, when his movement relinquished 73 seats, was just the beginning of a broader political retreat. Since then, Al-Sadr has maintained a consistent message: 'the current system cannot be salvaged without radical reform.' In a statement issued last Friday, he outlined a set of stringent conditions that he views as prerequisites for any potential return to the political process. Central among them is the disarmament of all 'militias' and the transfer of their weapons to the control of the state. He also called for the reinforcement of the country's official military and police institutions, underscoring the need for a unified, state-run security apparatus. Additionally, Al-Sadr emphasized the importance of preserving Iraq's independence by rejecting all forms of external alignment or influence. Finally, he demanded comprehensive anti-corruption measures, including the prosecution of officials involved in graft and the dismantling of the entrenched systems that enable it. These stipulations reflect a maximalist position that few believe Iraq's entrenched political class is prepared to meet. His rhetoric portrays a country in existential decline, once warning that Iraq is 'living its last breaths'—a sentiment that resonates with segments of a disillusioned public. Al-Hakim's Mediation: A Narrow Path In response to Al-Sadr's absence, the Shiite Coordination Framework has quietly enlisted Ammar al-Hakim, head of the National Wisdom Movement (Al-Hikma), to mediate. Al-Hakim, whose political base lies in Baghdad's Al-Jaderiyah district, is viewed as one of the few figures with enough credibility and political capital to potentially engage with al-Sadr. Yet the odds are stacked against him. Political analyst Ali Hussein al-Fatlawi, affiliated with the State Support Alliance, told Shafaq News that 'Al-Sadr's vision is fundamentally incompatible with the Coordination Framework.' He argued that the ideological divide is too vast, and that al-Hakim's role, while symbolic, is unlikely to yield concrete results. Atheer al-Sharaa, another political analyst, echoed this skepticism. In remarks to Shafaq News, he pointed to Al-Sadr's consistent messages via his X account, emphasizing the cleric's resolve. 'His conditions are painful and, in some cases, unachievable,' said al-Sharaa, particularly the demand for armed factions to disarm, many of which are integral to the Coordination Framework's power base. Strategic Stakes and Electoral Consequences Al-Sadr's continued boycott carries profound electoral consequences. His political base commands a loyal following, and his absence from the ballot could siphon over a million votes from the system. Al-Fatlawi warned that such a shortfall would significantly lower turnout, and undermining the election's credibility. But the stakes go beyond numbers. Al-Sharaa raised concerns that mass Sadrist mobilizations—particularly during religious events like the Ashura pilgrimage in Karbala—could evolve into political demonstrations. Such scenarios, especially in Baghdad, 'risk destabilizing the electoral timetable and may even force a postponement.' Tensions escalated further when the al-Nasr Coalition, led by former Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi, announced its withdrawal from the election process, citing similar concerns over corruption and the lack of electoral reform. This move highlighted the growing disillusionment within even the establishment political blocs. Expert Views: A Political Process 'In A Maze' Ali al-Saheb, a political analyst revealed to Shafaq News that Sadr's demands apply broadly—not just to rival factions but also to his armed group, Saraya al-Salam, and even the Kurdish Peshmerga. This rare consistency, he argued, "illustrates Al-Sadr's sincerity but also reinforces the unlikelihood of compromise." 'The political process has entered a maze,' al-Saheb warned, pointing to the closure of candidate registration and the lack of a roadmap for real reforms. 'Unless a breakthrough occurs, either through external mediation or internal restructuring, Iraq may face either a contested election or another postponement. An Unstable Path to the Ballot Box The months leading to the November 2025 elections are shaping up to be among the most turbulent in Iraq's post-2003 political history. Al-Sadr's continued boycott not only deprives the elections of legitimacy but also weakens the broader system's capacity to absorb dissent and project stability. While al-Hakim's mediation remains the Coordination Framework's last viable channel, the deep ideological rift and non-negotiable demands leave little room for optimism.


Iraqi News
7 days ago
- Politics
- Iraqi News
Al-Hakim leads talks to end Muqtada al-Sadr's boycott of Iraqi election
Baghdad ( – A high-stakes political effort is underway in Iraq to bring influential Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr and his powerful Sadrist Movement back into the fold for the upcoming parliamentary elections. Ammar Al-Hakim, leader of the Al-Hikma Movement, has reportedly begun initial steps to open a dialogue with Al-Sadr, acting on behalf of the ruling Coordination Framework coalition. The initiative aims to reverse Al-Sadr's potentially destabilizing boycott of the election, but it faces immense obstacles, including Al-Sadr's stringent conditions and his current refusal to engage. According to a source within the Coordination Framework, Al-Hakim is authorized to negotiate, but Al-Sadr has so far 'closed all doors of communication,' making the mission 'extremely difficult.' This political maneuvering comes after the deadline for candidate registration for the 2025 elections has already passed. For the Sadrists to participate, a major political consensus would be required. The source suggested that if Al-Sadr's conditions were deemed acceptable, authorities might ask the Independent High Electoral Commission (IHEC) to reopen candidate registration—a significant and complex undertaking. However, the conditions themselves are a major roadblock. Political analyst Atheer Al-Sharaa noted that one of Al-Sadr's primary demands is the disarmament of all factions and the surrender of their weapons to the state. This is a condition that has been consistently rejected by some powerful armed groups within the ruling coalition, complicating any potential understanding. Al-Sharaa suggests Al-Sadr's recent publication of his old 'Triple Alliance' documents with Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani and Sunni leader Mohammed al-Halbousi was a 'clear rejection of consensus-based politics' and a sign of his feeling of betrayal by former allies, making him hesitant to enter new agreements without ironclad guarantees. The outcome of these talks could reshape the entire electoral timeline. While reopening registration is one possibility, Al-Sharaa believes a genuine breakthrough could have larger consequences. 'In the event a consensus is reached between Al-Sadr and Al-Hakim,' he stated, 'the elections could be postponed for at least a year' to implement the terms of the new agreement. The intense effort to bring Al-Sadr back reflects a widespread concern among the political class. Sources and analysts agree that his absence from the election, given his large and dedicated popular base, would 'harm the political process' and likely lead to significantly low voter turnout. This could create a crisis of legitimacy for the next parliament and government. While Al-Sadr is believed to have a genuine desire to participate, the current standoff is a high-stakes chess match. The source within the Coordination Framework remains hopeful, suggesting Al-Sadr's position could change. However, with tough conditions on the table and communication channels currently closed, the success or failure of this dialogue will directly impact the timing, composition, and legitimacy of Iraq's next election.


Shafaq News
07-07-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Fake statement suggests Saraya al-Salam disarmament order
Shafaq News – Najaf False claims about Saraya al-Salam's (armed group affiliated with Patriotic Shiite Movement [formerly the Sadrist]) disarmament and withdrawal from Samarra circulated online, a source close to movement leader Muqtada al-Sadr announced on Monday. The fake statement, attributed to the al-Sadr's private office, called on all armed factions to do the same in support of Iraq's army and sovereignty, urging the government to impose state authority on groups refusing to hand over 'unauthorized weapons.' Al-Sadr reformed his forces in 2014 to protect Shiite shrines from ISIS. This new group was largely formed from the Mahdi Army remnants, which fought against the US forces in thepost-2003era. Saraya al-Salam was largely formed from the Mahdi Army remnants which fought against the US forces in the post-2003 era. Al-Sadr reformed his forces in 2014 to protect Shiite shrines from ISIS.