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African Union and international community complicit in the Somali catastrophe
African Union and international community complicit in the Somali catastrophe

Daily Maverick

time27-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Daily Maverick

African Union and international community complicit in the Somali catastrophe

Alan Paton's classic South African novel, Cry, the Beloved Country, exposed how tyranny produced injustices and social rot in that beautiful and blessed land: South Africa. We may not agree with Paton's diagnosis of the malady, but most will acknowledge the power of his insights and the humanity of his vision. A similar colonial plague gripped another beautiful people and land: Somalia. With independence, Somalis partially recovered from colonialism, but a sectarian faction of the political elite has imposed a worse tragedy on them, while the international community and the African Union (AU) wittingly participate as the calamity deepens. If one were to write a novel about the Somali disaster, it would be: Weep, My Beloved Country. Recuperating from the colonial calamity Before colonialism butchered the territory, Somaliland's area was slightly smaller than contemporary South Africa. The imperialists divided it into five colonial territories: British Somaliland, Italian Somaliland, French Somaliland, Ethiopian Somaliland and the Northern Frontier District of the British colony of Kenya. Somalis partially recovered from that catastrophe when the British and Italian Somali lands were liberated and united to form Somalia in 1960. The hope at independence was that the remaining territories would become liberated and join the fold, but that was not to be. French Somaliland became the Republic of Djibouti after it gained freedom in 1977, while the other two regions remain in Ethiopia and Kenya. Somalia started its post-colonial period with verve and promise. It was the lone country in Africa where the entire population shared a single language, faith and culture. The curse of a sectarian elite For most of the 1960s, Somalia was the premier democratic state on the African continent. Somalis' cultural homogeneity facilitated their attachment to democracy. But the drive to nurture a genuine representative government was led by a Somali group whose lives were deeply marred by colonial humiliation and who aspired to create a system that would nurture their people's hopes and dignity. In contrast, another faction of the political elite, driven by greed and lust for power, sought to capture the state for its egotistical ends. The democrats accountably managed the state from 1960-1967. President Aden Abdulla Osman honoured his oath of office and told MPs who would decide his presidency's fate in 1967 to vote according to their conscience. In contrast, the opposition candidate deployed corrupt means, such as cash bribes to MPs, and won the presidency. Once in power, the sectarians expeditiously consolidated their grip on the state by posting their clients in the cabinet, the civil service and the supreme court. Subsequently, they set their sights on the forthcoming parliamentary election. The sectarians' core strategy to win the election was tribal mobilisation of the population and the use of bribes. Consequently, the prime minister invited all the 'traditional' leaders to Mogadishu, treated them handsomely, and sought their help to ensure that each genealogical group voted as a unit in support of the regime. The governing party won the 1969 election, but the corrupt use of government resources during the election was so scandalous that the International Monetary Fund registered its alarm. Political tribalism stoked communal conflicts during the election. Shortly thereafter, a policeman who felt that his 'group' had been cheated of its parliamentary seat assassinated the Somali president in 1969. This precipitated a military coup. The junta's progressive-sounding declarations temporarily rejuvenated the national spirit, but like so many military regimes, despotism became the norm. As a teenager, I spent four months in prison for criticising the regime. The dictatorship became more violent, corrupt and tribalistic in the late 1970s and the 1980s. In response, opponents replicated its tribalist ideology to mobilise supporters. As the regime's viciousness intensified, a rebel group made a daring raid on the second-largest city from their base in Ethiopia, and the military's savage revenge annihilated the city. Mayhem spread across the country, the dictator was chased out of Mogadishu in 1991, the government collapsed, and the country disintegrated. Tribalised government, the international community & the AU Tribal warlords and tyrants ravaged Somalia in the 1990s and early 2000s. Then, the government of Djibouti brought Somalis together to find a trail back to civilisation. After months of haggling, the conferees defined Somalia's political conflict as 'tribal' and divided Somalis into 'political tribes'. In 2001, they formed a government anchored on this vile formula. That regime languished for several years until Muslim clerics (the Union of Islamic Courts, UICs) defeated the warlords in 2006. This development alarmed Ethiopia and major international actors. Subsequently, Ethiopia invaded Somalia and committed atrocities. The UICs went underground and outmanoeuvred the Ethiopians. Alarmed by this turn of events, the international community and AU hastily created an AU military force to replace the Ethiopians. The AU force pushed Al-Shabaab out of Mogadishu and several towns, but has made no further progress. The international community has since poured billions of dollars into the AU force and Somali government coffers, but the latter has made marginal advances in winning public trust. Dominated by tribalists, the central and provincial governments are often at odds with one another, which impedes national recovery and integration. Crocodile tears The international community and AU profusely complain about the inability of Somalis to make measurable progress to secure their country, settle their political discord, create a credible government and improve the lives of their indigent people. These are disingenuous grumblings. First, the international community has been a key partner to the Somali peace process for at least 25 years and has uncritically accepted the misguided notion that Somalia's political conflict is tribal in nature. Thus, they knowingly endorsed the empowerment of the most corrupt and sectarian elements of the elite. Second, the AU has been the foot soldier of funders and has never objected to political tribalism and corruption. Given this, the international community/AU's remonstrations lack moral force. As a Somali MP, I have witnessed the destructive role of political tribalism in government: omnipresent corruption, glaring ineptitude and criminal instigation of communal conflicts. Civic kinship is salvation Half a century of cruel dictatorship, warlords, tyrants, and corrupt political tribalists have buried Somalis in a wasteland. To undo this hell will take time, serious commitment, resources, and most critically, civic kinship from the international community and AU. Somalis are fast learners and exceptional entrepreneurs in the right environment. To create such an environment demands that the international community/AU completely alter their approach. First, they must revamp their conception of the nature of the catastrophe by rejecting political tribalism. Second, they should sanction the purveyors of political tribalism and corruption, as this clique has wasted millions of lives and the future of an entire people. Third, they must insist on the formation of a technocratic government with a terminal four-year tenure whose scope is limited to establishing a professional army and police, the scaffolding of a civic government and a functioning set of critical government ministries. Unfortunately, this transformative agenda, which most Somalis would endorse, would not appeal to the international community/AU as it would terminate the lucrative gravy train.

No country for hustlers: why unleashing the informal sector is South Africa's missing revolution
No country for hustlers: why unleashing the informal sector is South Africa's missing revolution

TimesLIVE

time25-06-2025

  • Business
  • TimesLIVE

No country for hustlers: why unleashing the informal sector is South Africa's missing revolution

In the bustling, chaotic heart of any South African township, rural and small town, and city centre, one can witness a vibrant ecosystem of survival. Much like the resilient characters navigating their destinies in Alan Paton's Cry, the Beloved Country — where individuals grapple with a society undergoing profound change — South Africa's informal economy is a testament to human ingenuity and perseverance. Yet, as Prof Haroon Bhorat articulated in a June 17 Business Day article, our national obsession with formalisation is stifling this vital sector, turning a potential economic powerhouse into a mere shadow of its true capacity...

Full street food line-up for summer festival revealed
Full street food line-up for summer festival revealed

Yahoo

time06-04-2025

  • Entertainment
  • Yahoo

Full street food line-up for summer festival revealed

From fried chicken to big pan paella, the full street food lineup has been announced for a top artisan festival returning to a Suffolk village this month. The Taste of East Anglia Food and Drink Festival is returning to Kentwell Hall, in Long Melford near Sudbury, on Saturday, June 14. The one-day event showcases the best the region has to offer and has grown over the past 10 years to become a fan-favourite festival with chef demonstrations, market stalls, and a wide range of street food to try. The event has grown to be a fan favourite over the past decade (Image: Suffolk Market Events)READ MORE: to keep up to date with the latest food and drink news Bad Boi Burritos was announced as the first street food vendor serving up dishes like burritos, nachos and tacos. The Mexican caterer will be joined by 20 other street food outlets cooking up everything from stone-baked pizza to coffee and cake. The event will take place at Kentwell Hall in Long Melford (Image: Newsquest) Peck Bad Boi Burritos Bar Dionysus Bar Rumba The Coffee Station Beats & Beigels Jackrabbit Brewing Co Smokebox Tikka Tonic Mac Street Kitchen The Daily Grind Crepe De Paris Totham Bangers The Bucket List Smokeydeez Bramble Nethergate Brewery Crispy Duck Rotisserie The Pasta Bar Pura Vida Pans Meat & Great BBQ READ MORE: Opening date revealed for new vendor at coastal foodie hub John Jackman and Alan Paton are part of this year's chef line-up (Image: Suffolk Market Events) As well as the food and drink stalls, a number of local chefs will be giving demonstrations. Sudbury-born Ben Morgan, who runs the kitchen at The Great House Restaurant and Hotel in Lavenham, is making his debut at this year's festival. He will be joining returning favourites such as Lark owner James Carn, head chef at The Bull Auberge Lee Cooper, Alan Paton and John Jackman, who will be compering the Kitchen Theatre throughout the day. Tickets for the Taste of East Anglia Food and Drink Festival are on sale now costing £9.50 for adults and £3 for children over the age of five.

Chef at top Suffolk restaurant making debut at food festival
Chef at top Suffolk restaurant making debut at food festival

Yahoo

time08-03-2025

  • Entertainment
  • Yahoo

Chef at top Suffolk restaurant making debut at food festival

A chef at a top restaurant will be making his debut at a top summer food and drink festival. The Taste of East Anglia Food and Drink Festival is returning to Kentwell Hall in Long Melford on Saturday, June 14. The one-day event showcases the best the region has to offer and, over the past ten years, it has grown to become a fan favourite event with chef demonstrations, craft stalls and street food to try. The chef line up has been revealed with Ben Morgan making his debut at the festival. James Carn, the owner of Lark in Bury St Edmunds (Image: Charlotte Bond) READ MORE: Born in Sudbury, he has experience working in the George in Cavendish but now runs the kitchen at The Great House Restaurant and Hotel in Lavenham. He is not the only new face joining the line-up for this year's foodie event. Leading pastry chef and chocolatier Michelle Gillott and Mike Warner, owner of A Passion for Seafood, will also be there. They will be joining returning favourites such as Lark owner James Carn, head chef at The Bull Auberge Lee Cooper, Alan Paton and John Jackman, who will be compering the Kitchen Theatre throughout the day. READ MORE: Dates announced for UK's largest outdoor cinema at country estate John Jackman (left) and Alan Paton (right) will be returning (Image: Suffolk Market Events) Another new feature for this year is a wine tasting area and Defined Wine Ltd will be hosting a 30 minute session focusing on the growth of East Anglian wines, giving visitors the a chance to enjoy tasters. Tickets for the Taste of East Anglia Food and Drink Festival are on sale now costing £9.50 for adults and £3 for children over the age of five. A family ticket for two adults and two children costs £20 and dogs are also welcome.

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