Latest news with #Alawi
DW
11-07-2025
- DW
Kidnapped, abused: Reports of missing Alawite women in Syria – DW – 07/11/2025
Dozens of Syrian Alawite women are missing — thought to have been abducted or worse. Motives behind the suspected abductions are thought to be political and criminal. Nora looks into the camera, her baby on her lap. She looks thin, her hair and eyebrows have been shaved off and she has scars on her face. The first pictures of the woman, taken after her release from captivity, were immediately spread on social media. Nora — her real name has been withheld for security and privacy reasons — is one of dozens of women from the Syrian Alawite minority thought to have been kidnapped. She has since left the country. Nora says she was held in a basement for around a month, where she was physically and psychologically brutalized. She was in the coastal city of Jableh, with her 11-month-old baby, on the way to an aid center when she was stopped by a car with Idlib license plates, filled with masked men. They asked her where she came from and when she said she was Alawite, she was dragged into the car and blindfolded. "Every day I was abused and beaten, so much so that I lost consciousness," Nora told DW. While imprisoned, her baby was taken away from her and she was told she should sign a marriage contract. "I refused to do so, I'm already married," she explained. "After that they treated me with even more brutality." Photos of her beatings were sent to her family as a way to blackmail them into sending ransom money. After her family paid a large ransom, Nora was set free. Today she lives outside of Syria and is being treated for serious gynecological problems. Nora's story has been repeated elsewhere. News agency Reuters has reported on other abductions of Alawite women and conducted detailed interviews with families of the missing women. "Detailed interviews with the families of 16 of the missing women and girls found that seven of them are believed to have been kidnapped, with their relatives receiving demands for ransoms ranging from $1,500 to $100,000," Reuters reported. "There has been no word on the fate of the other nine." The United Nations' Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic has also documented several cases. The commission "documented abductions by unknown individuals of at least six Alawi women this spring in several Syrian governorates," the chair of the commission Paulo Sergio Pinheiro told the UN Human Rights Council at the end of last month. "The whereabouts of at least two of these women remain unknown, while the commission has received credible reports of more abductions. Investigations into some of these incidents were opened by the interim authorities." At the time of writing, Syria's Ministry of the Interior had not replied to enquires on the subject, nor did they reply to Reuters' enquiries. Syrian activist Bassel Younus, who lives in Sweden, told DW he's documented around 40 missing women. He monitors human rights abuses in Syria and notes that the majority of the women abducted were from the Alawite community. The Alawite minority has come under attack since the ousting of Syrian dictator Bashar Assad, whose family — the long time authoritarian leaders of the country — come from the Alawite community themselves. Some Islamist extremists see Alawites as apostates. Other Syrians believe the Alawites to have been supporters of the country's former dictator. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video In March, Syria saw a major outbreak of violence against the Alawite community after supporters of ousted President Bashar Assad launched attacks on the new Syrian security forces. Hundreds of the security forces were killed. In the ensuing violence, an estimated further 1,500 people were killed and it's thought that at least some of the perpetrators had links to the new Syrian government. The country's interim president Ahmad al-Sharaa created a committee to investigate the violence but as yet, it has produced no results. The incidents with Alawite women are not a coincidence, Younus said. "They are a symbol of the subjugation of an entire community," he explained. Nora also recalls being called names, like "pig" and "infidel," while she was in captivity. DW attempted to speak with more than a dozen victims' families over the course of several weeks, although many of them didn't want to go on the record due to fear, shame or uncertainty. Sami, a young man from a village near the west Syrian city of Tartus, was one of the few that would speak to media, albeit with his last name kept confidential. His 28-year-old sister, Iman — her name has also been changed to protect her identity — disappeared without a trace after she drove into the city one day. Shortly afterwards the family got a call from an international phone number in which an anonymous voice told them: "forget Iman, she will never return." Sami contacted the local police but they told him that in many of these cases, the women were having a secret love affair and had simply run away from their families. But a few days later, the kidnapper got in touch again and this time demanded a five-figure ransom. The family managed to borrow the money and sent it to Turkey using the so-called "hawala" system, an informal network of money transfers that relies on private individuals passing cash onwards. That makes trying to trace where the ransom money ended up difficult, although documents sighted by DW show that the first recipients were Syrian refugees in Turkey. But for Sami and his family, paying the money didn't help. After they sent the cash, contact was broken off and there's been no further sign of Iman. Maya, 21, is another young woman who was kidnapped, together with her younger sister, near Tartus. Her name has also been changed to protect her privacy. In March the two girls were on the way to do some shopping when they were stopped by masked men with guns. "They asked us if we were Alawite or Sunni," Maya says. "When we said 'Alawite,' they pulled us into a van without license plates." They were blindfolded and driven for what seemed like hours. During the trip, they were insulted as "unbelievers" and as remnants of the Assad regime. The kidnappers told them they were responsible for the deaths of hundreds of their colleagues, anti-Assad fighters, Maya remembers. The sisters were held in a basement and Maya says they were frightened they would be sold as slaves. Syrian social media is buzzing with suggestions that the kidnapped Alawite women are being sold at "slave markets," in the same way that female members of the Yazidi minority were "sold" by the extremist "Islamic State" group when they came to power in Iraq and Syria. However it is also clear that a lot of Assad regime supporters, both inside and outside the country, are pushing these kinds of rumors for their own political ends. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video "So far we have no evidence that Alawite women have been systematically enslaved, as was the case with Yazidi women back then," Bassam Alahmad, executive director of Syrians for Truth and Justice, told DW. But he says religious affiliation is increasingly playing a role in kidnappings and murders. "Alawite women are now being targeted because of their religion and there's a parallel to the Yazidi women in this," he explained. The heart of the problem though, he adds, is that the Alawite community is being targeted for real or assumed links to the Assad regime. Maya and her sister were eventually released. It is unclear why they were let go but after two months, they were allowed to return to their family. They survived, although many other women are still missing.
Muscat Daily
01-07-2025
- Business
- Muscat Daily
Hamood al Alawi appointed Oman Air's Deputy CEO
Muscat – Oman Air has announced the appointment of Hamood bin Musbah al Alawi as Deputy Chief Executive Officer. This strategic appointment marks a significant step in the airline's transformation journey and underscores its commitment to building a strong pipeline of Omani leaders in the aviation sector. Alawi joins Oman Air from Oman Airports Management Company, where he served as Acting Chief Executive Officer and played a pivotal role in launching the airport's own transformation programme. Hamood bin Musbah al Alawi H E Saeed bin Hamoud al Mawali, Minister of Transport, Communications and Information Technology and Chairman of Oman Air, said 'The appointment of Hamood al Alawi is a proud moment for the airline and the country's aviation sector. He has demonstrated exceptional leadership in his role at Oman Airports Management Company and we are confident that he will bring the same vision and drive to the national airline. This is a clear outcome of our succession planning strategy and reflects our commitment to cultivating Omani talent and ensuring our leadership reflects the national values, priorities and ambitions.' Con Korfiatis, Chief Executive Officer of Oman Air, added, 'Hamood al Alawi is a strong leader with sound judgement and a deep understanding of the aviation industry. His appointment strengthens our leadership team at a critical time in our growth journey. 'I look forward to working closely with him as we proceed on our transformation agenda and deliver long-term sustainable value for the country.' Holding a Bachelor's degree in Mechanical Engineering from the University of Leeds, UK, Alawi brings over two decades of diverse leadership experience across the government and private sectors, with a strong track record in asset management, corporate transformation and commercial performance. He has held senior roles with Shell International in the Netherlands, led flagship-cost efficiency initiatives for Petroleum Development Oman (PDO), and served as a member of the Executive leadership team at the Ministry of Transport, Communications and Information Technology, where he headed a unit responsible for an RO1bn strategic project.
Muscat Daily
01-07-2025
- Business
- Muscat Daily
Oman Air appoints Hamood al Alawi as Deputy CEO
By OUR CORRESPONDENT Muscat – Oman Air has announced the appointment of Eng Hamood al Alawi as Deputy Chief Executive Officer. This strategic appointment marks a significant step in the airline's transformation journey and underscores its commitment to building a strong pipeline of Omani leaders in the aviation sector. Alawi joins Oman Air from Oman Airports Management Company, where he served as Acting Chief Executive Officer and played a pivotal role in launching the airport's own transformation programme. H E Saeed bin Hamoud al Mawali, Minister of Transport, Communications and Information Technology and Chairman of Oman Air, said, 'The appointment of Hamood al Alawi is a proud moment for the airline and the country's aviation sector. He has demonstrated exceptional leadership in his role at Oman Airports Management Company and we are confident that he will bring the same vision and drive to the national airline. This is a clear outcome of our succession planning strategy and reflects our commitment to cultivating Omani talent and ensuring our leadership reflects the national values, priorities and ambitions.' Con Korfiatis, Chief Executive Officer of Oman Air, added, 'Hamood al Alawi is a strong leader with sound judgement and a deep understanding of the aviation industry. His appointment strengthens our leadership team at a critical time in our growth journey. I look forward to working closely with him as we proceed on our transformation agenda and deliver long-term sustainable value for the country.'
Observer
30-06-2025
- Business
- Observer
First Oman-made long stroke pump unit launched
MUSCAT, JUNE 30 Oman has taken a bold step toward becoming a regional manufacturing hub for artificial lift systems with the successful production of the first Long Stroke Pump Unit (LSU) made entirely within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). Developed by Oilfields Smart Technologies LLC (OST), this milestone marks the country's emergence as a serious player in oilfield technology. In an exclusive interview with Oman Observer, Mohammed Alawi, Business Development & Technical Director at OST, said: 'A significant number of wells in Oman already use artificial lift solutions, with most equipment currently imported. By manufacturing these units locally, we're establishing a base for in-country production that can evolve into a regional supply hub — if market feedback is strong, we're ready to scale quickly.' Artificial lift systems are critical to extracting oil from the most mature oilfields in MENA, because of many reasons like low-pressure reservoirs, challenging fields, etc. OST's locally produced LSU introduces a cost-effective and technically advanced alternative to widely used methods such as beam pumps, PCPs, and ESPs. 'The long stroke technology offers several technical benefits,' Alawi explained. 'It's especially effective in wells with high gas-oil ratios, heavy oil, or high-temperature and deviated well conditions. It also offers high energy efficiency, long lifespan, low operating costs, and minimal maintenance.' The company's innovation aligns closely with the objectives of Oman Vision 2040, which seeks to diversify the national economy and foster local industrial capabilities. By building and assembling complex artificial lift systems domestically, OST is creating new job opportunities and driving the development of specialised engineering and manufacturing skills among Omani professionals. Meanwhile, Abdul Malik al Bahri, CEO at OST said, 'Clients often cite overseas supply and service delays as a concern. By moving manufacturing to Oman, we can reduce lead times, lower costs, and offer more responsive support. This is also a chance to transfer know-how into the local economy — from mechanical and control engineering to reservoir analysis and materials science.' OST's manufacturing and support network includes workshops in Samayil Industrial City in the north and Al Mazyuna Free Zone in the south — strategically located to support oilfields across Oman's geography. The company is also open to establishing mobile or fixed facilities closer to clients as needed. The initiative is supported by a joint venture between Al Olia for Investment and Industry Gate LLC, an Omani firm involved in energy projects since 2014, and Dutch Smart Technology Holding B.V. (DST), a Netherlands-based investor in oil and gas innovation. This partnership provides OST with both local grounding and international technical expertise. According to Alawi, the specially engineered belt-driven LSU features advanced automation capabilities, including variable frequency drives (VFD), dynamograph monitoring, and load control systems. These allow for precision pumping and improved safety, tailored for high-performance onshore operations. 'While the LSU's rated capacity can reach up to 1,500 to 2,000 barrels per day, its actual output depends on well conditions like reservoir pressure, oil composition, and GOR,' he said. 'In fact, LSUs have recorded over 4,500 bpd in the Permian Basin in Texas. So the ceiling is high if the well/reservoir conditions can feed it.' The full value chain — from concept design to commissioning — is being built inside the Sultanate of Oman. This effort not only enhances In-Country Value (ICV) but also opens doors for young Omanis to pursue careers in high-tech manufacturing and oilfield services. 'This is more than just a product,' Al Bahri concluded. 'It's a platform for Oman to develop engineering talent, raise local manufacturing standards, and become a serious contributor to the regional oil and gas technology supply chain.' With the first unit ready for deployment and client engagement underway, OST's success could signal a broader shift in how Oman harnesses innovation to support its energy sector and economic future.
Japan Times
01-06-2025
- General
- Japan Times
Israel's Syria policy could fuel more conflict and disorder
After months of sectarian violence, kidnappings and cross-border clashes, the last thing Syria's fledgling government needs is a neighbor stoking tensions. But that is what Israel is doing, as it erects military bases in the countries' demilitarized 'buffer zone,' strikes military sites and kills security officials — all part of a well-worn strategy of backing minority groups against Sunni majorities in the Arab world. But by pursuing it in Syria, Israel is risking strategic blowback. Along with neighboring Lebanon, Syria has the most diverse population in the Middle East. While Sunni Arabs comprise 65% of the population, their majority is far smaller than in, say, Egypt (around 90%). The remaining 35% of Syria's population includes members of heretical Islamic offshoots, along with Sunni Kurds and Christians. Managing this diversity has proved challenging for Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), which came to power after Syrian President Bashar Assad's ouster in December. Its cadres are drawn from al-Qaida, which believes that Sunni Arabs should hold all the rights — and all the power — in the Islamic world. And while the HTS leadership has tempered its religious zeal, some of its foot soldiers have not. In March, clashes between HTS and Assad's Alawi sect, a heretical Shia offshoot accounting for around 12% of Syria's population, left more than 1,000 dead. The violence rattled Christians, who largely supported the toppled government. Meanwhile, groups loyal to Turkey have skirmished with the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces in the northeast. But it is tensions with the Druze, another heterodox group, that are proving most vexing for Syria's young government. After a spurious audio recording attributed to a Druze leader blaspheming the Prophet Muhammad circulated on social media, masked gunmen descended on the Damascus suburb of Jaramana. After the melee drew in HTS security officials, Israel declared that it would protect the tiny sect. It has since targeted members of Syria's security forces who clashed with the Druze and mounted airstrikes near the presidential palace. Israel's machinations in Syria are nothing new. Within months of Israel's birth, senior Foreign Ministry officials mused about sponsoring a coup there, in order to strengthen their position in the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. More broadly, Israel has often used support of minorities to undermine Sunni power. In Lebanon, it was the Christians. In 1955, Army Chief of Staff Moshe Dayan floated the idea of convincing a Christian military officer to 'declare himself the savior of the Maronite (Christian) population,' before invading Lebanon to help install a Christian regime that would ally itself with Israel. In the 1970s, Prime Minister Menachem Begin — claiming that Israel had a 'duty' to prevent the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) from committing 'genocide' against Christians — supported a renegade Lebanese Christian sergeant-major, in the hopes of creating a buffer zone along Lebanon's southern border, where it could exert some control. In 1982, Israel invaded Lebanon, expelled the PLO and installed a Christian president, Bashir Gemayel, soon assassinated by a member of the Syrian Social Nationalist Party. Israel's efforts to undermine Sunni regimes have also entailed partnerships with Shia countries. Beginning in the 1960s, Israel worked with the Shah of Iran to support the besieged Iraqi Kurds in their fight against the central government. The resulting insurgency was so devastating that then-Iraqi Vice President Saddam Hussein ceded the Shatt al-Arab waterway to Iran, in exchange for its pledge to stop supporting the Kurds. In light of this history, it is not surprising that Israeli leaders now seek to carve out a Druze enclave on the Syrian border, thereby creating a buffer between Israel and the Sunnis. Nor is it surprising that Israel has identified ambitious Druze figures eager to challenge both the central government and their own sect's traditional leadership. This effort has broad support among Israeli politicians, from the prime minister to the opposition leader. In their view, a fractured Syria desperately attempting to put out regional and sectarian fires would lack the resources and capacity to threaten Israel. But this vision is short-sighted. After all, upheaval and division could bring down the HTS government — and Israel might not like what replaces it. The Turks who back the group and support factions on the northern Syrian border may be persuaded to deploy troops deep inside the country. A resurgent Islamic State in Iraq and Syria could exploit the chaos of HTS's downfall to expand its influence, just as it did when the Syrian civil war erupted in 2011. After Gemayel's assassination in 1982, Hezbollah stepped into the breach in southern Lebanon. By 2000, Hezbollah had driven Israel from Lebanese territory and in 2006 launched a devastating war that ended in a stalemate. Following the Assad dynasty's collapse, Israel has attained near-supremacy in the Middle East. Destabilizing a nascent government that has no desire to tangle with a stronger neighbor will do nothing to strengthen this position. On the contrary, a policy based on reflexive hubris risks paving the way for the emergence of a formidable new threat. Barak Barfi is a former research fellow at New America and a former visiting fellow at the Brookings Institution. © Project Syndicate, 2025.
