Latest news with #AlgerianRevolution
Morocco World
21-07-2025
- Politics
- Morocco World
The Last Believers: Memory, Mirage, and the Failed Promises of the Algerian Revolution
Why European intellectuals and journalists—from Ignacio Cembrero to Santiago Alba Rico—cling to the myth of the Algerian Revolution, and project their disillusionment onto Morocco's success. For decades, a certain current of Spanish and European intellectuals—figures shaped by the ideals of anti-imperialism and the global left—have continued to view North Africa through a Cold War lens. In this vision, Algeria stood for resistance, progress, and revolutionary virtue, while Morocco was cast as a reactionary monarchy: decorative, conservative, complicit in the Western order. That binary may have held symbolic weight in the 1970s. Today, it persists only as an ideological mirage. The persistence of this outdated dichotomy is most visible in the writings of individuals like Ignacio Cembrero, a longtime critic of Morocco, and Santiago Alba Rico, a philosopher and emblem of the Spanish anti-colonial left. Both are representative of a broader trend—one that cannot accept that the revolutionary dream they once embraced has collapsed, and that the monarchy they once derided is evolving in ways they never imagined. To understand this, one must revisit the myth of the Algerian Revolution. In the 1960s and 70s, Algeria stood at the forefront of the global South's political imagination. The FLN's triumph over French colonialism inspired admiration across Europe and the Arab world. Under Boumediene, Algeria was hailed as a radical experiment: state-led industrialization, workers' self-management, agrarian reform, third-world solidarity. It was, for many, the 'Yugoslavia of the Maghreb'—a model for decolonized, anti-capitalist development. But that dream unraveled. The revolution, in the end, devoured its own children. Power consolidated in the hands of a military elite. Civil society was weakened, dissent suppressed, and the promise of self-governance gave way to bureaucratic authoritarianism. The violent 'Black Decade' of the 1990s revealed just how fragile the foundations were. It was not simply a political crisis—it was the collapse of the very revolutionary ideal. And yet, many of its early sympathizers—especially in Spain—could not let go. Not because they are paid agents, as some claim, but because to accept the death of the Algerian dream would be to confront a deeper loss: the disappearance of their own ideological homeland. For Cembrero and Alba Rico, Algeria represented a moral North Star, and Morocco the convenient foil. The inversion of that dynamic—where Morocco modernizes, stabilizes, and engages globally, while Algeria recedes into authoritarian opacity—is existentially disruptive. Morocco's trajectory over the past two decades defies the clichés of these critics. Yes, it is a monarchy. But it is also a state that has implemented real, if incremental, political reforms, made significant investments in infrastructure, embraced renewable energy, and navigated social and religious pluralism with a level of institutional agility rare in the region. Its diplomacy is proactive, its economy increasingly diversified, and its internal cohesion more durable than many predicted. This evolution does not fit into the old ideological playbook. And rather than revise their frameworks, these critics double down. Morocco is still cast as an oppressive relic; its accomplishments minimized, its motives pathologized. The monarchy, for them, cannot modernize—it can only manipulate. The Moroccan people cannot choose—they must be victims. In this narrative, the Polisario Front becomes the last hope of revolutionary redemption. Cembrero once described it as 'a revolution in the sand.' For him, and for others of that ideological tradition, the Polisario is not just a political movement—it is a vessel through which the Algerian revolutionary spirit might live on. Never mind its entanglement with an authoritarian regime in Algiers. Never mind its dwindling support or internal fractures. What matters is symbolic continuity. But this is not political analysis—it is nostalgia in disguise. It is an emotional refusal to reckon with the passage of time and the collapse of cherished myths. The tragedy is not merely Algeria's failure to deliver on its revolutionary promises. The tragedy is the intellectual paralysis of those who refuse to see it. Until they do, they will continue to attack Morocco—not because of what it is, but because of what it no longer allows them to believe. They are the last believers in a revolution that betrayed its promise. And they would rather deny the present than admit the past has let them down. Tags: Algeria and MoroccoMorocco Algeria
El Chorouk
06-07-2025
- Politics
- El Chorouk
Benjamin Stora Reveals Secrets of the Memory File With Macron
French historian of Algerian origin, Benjamin Stora, revealed some of the secrets he shared with French President Emmanuel Macron over the course of nearly ten years. These exchanges, during which the resident of the Élysée Palace formulated his project on the Algerian-French memory file, were discussed. He also spoke, for the first time, about his grandfather's interests being targeted by figures from the Algerian Revolution. The French president began approaching the historian, who had worked on the Algerian-French memory issue for five decades, according to Stora, in a podcast in which the rector of the Paris Mosque, Chems Eddine Hafiz, played the role of the interviewer, as reported by the mosque on its X account. Stora said that the French president approached him in 2016 for consultations as an expert to search for ways to deal with the Algerian-French memory issue, which is considered one of the most sensitive, along with other issues. At the time, the French president was merely a potential candidate for the French presidential elections. He visited Algeria in February 2017 after submitting his candidacy. During that visit, he made an unprecedented statement about the French colonisation of Algeria, confirming that 'it is a crime against humanity'. However, he retracted these statements immediately upon his return to France, under pressure from the far right and those dreaming of a 'French Algeria.' The historian, who is highly respected by the Algerian authorities and was previously received by President Abdelmadjid Tebboune, explained that he told Macron, who became French president in 2017, 'Since the story is very long, we must be patient.' He added that he also advised him to choose symbolic acts and proceed step by step. Stora's goal behind this 'step-by-step' policy was to expose the reality of the war and the colonial system to French society and younger generations. Algerians strongly criticised this policy, considering it a 'policy of distillation,' at a time when Algerians were demanding recognition and even an apology for French crimes over 132 years, a demand Paris continues to reject to this day. According to Benjamin Stora's testimony, the French president accepted the advice he offered, which led to his subsequent assignment to prepare the report on the memory of French colonialism in Algeria in January 2021. Benjamin Stora attempted to maintain an equitable distance between the Algerian and French sides, and he was criticised by both sides. The French side, the far right, considered him to have followed the ideas of the National Liberation Front, while the Algerians criticised him for not calling on Paris to apologise for its crimes during 132 years of destructive settlers' colonialism. However, Stora, speaking to the rector of the Paris Mosque, emphasised that his consultation was behind some of the French president's subsequent steps regarding memory. He noted that he suggested to Emmanuel Macron that the French state acknowledge its responsibility for the extrajudicial killing of many of the revolution's leaders and some of its French supporters. A reference here is to the forgiveness Macron offered, on behalf of the French state, to the family of mathematics professor and activist for the Algerian cause, Maurice Audin, lawyer and activist Ali Boumendjel, and martyred hero Larbi Ben M'hidi, all of whom were brutally liquidated by French occupation army paratroopers. This followed decades of denial and fabrication, with claims of suicide, as in the case of martyr Ben M'hidi. He also proposed that France honour Mouloud Feraoun's memory by placing a wreath on his grave. Among his unanswered proposals, Benjamin Stora regretted his failure in the case of revolutionary lawyer Gisèle Halimi, attributing the reason to the mobilisation of Harkis' sons and their signing of a petition against her admission to the Panthéon. He also revealed that President Tebboune was the one who suggested the establishment of a commission of historians from both sides. This commission made significant progress but was halted immediately after the French president's 'unfriendly' stance, siding with the Moroccan regime in the summer of 2024 regarding the Western Sahara issue. Stora expressed his hope that the Algerian-French Joint Commission would be able to resume its work, which could contribute to restoring the currently stalled relations. In testimony disclosed for the first time, Benjamin Stora revealed that he met with former minister and leader of the historic second wilaya, Abderrezak Bouhara, in 2002. The latter joked with him, saying, 'I have a debt to you that I must repay. I burned your grandfather's truck in Khenchela in 1956.' Benjamin Stora's grandfather was the mayor of Khenchela (eastern Algeria) during the liberation revolution.
El Chorouk
25-06-2025
- Politics
- El Chorouk
Lawsuit to Remove Statue of Criminal Marcel Bigeard in France
The case of the statue of the French war criminal, General Marcel Bigeard, has reached the courts after local authorities in northeastern France insisted on rejecting popular demands to remove the bronze statue erected in his memory. The statue symbolises the systematic torture of Bigeard during his time as an officer in the French army in colonised Algeria. On Tuesday, June 24, local associations and anti-torture activists in the Meurthe-et-Moselle region, the birthplace of the notorious general, filed a lawsuit with the Administrative Court, accompanied by a petition signed by residents of the area. They demanded that local authorities remove the protested memorial, which was considered a 'spit in the face' of torture victims in Algeria, according to the newspaper Mediapart. This controversial memorial was erected in October 2024, sparking a social and historical debate in the city of Toul, dividing local elected officials between supporters and opponents of the statue. Since then, protests and pressure to remove the statue have continued. However, efforts have reached a dead end, and it was finally decided to resort to the administrative judiciary to decide the case. The lawsuit was filed before the Nancy Administrative Court, demanding the removal of the controversial monument. The lawsuit asserted that its continued presence would 'disturb public order' and 'disrupt the neutrality of the public service.' Defenders of General Marcel Bigeard's crimes argue that he was a French resistance fighter who confronted Nazi Germany's occupation in World War II. Opponents, however, argue that he was involved in torture in Algeria during the Algerian Revolution (1954-1962) and even defended those involved in torturing them. General Bigeard appears in this statue wearing the uniform of a paratrooper, a group that Algerians hold infamous. They waged an unprecedented campaign of repression in Algeria and were implicated in extrajudicial killings and liquidations during the 'Battle of Algiers' at the end of 1956 and 1957. They are responsible for the kidnapping and assassination of the Algerian Revolutionary activist Maurice Audin, the heroic martyr Larbi Ben Mhidi, and the activist Ali Boumendjel. They also tortured the three beautiful women: Djamila Bouhired, Djamila Bouazza, Djamila Boupacha, Zohra Drif, and the freedom fighter Louisa Ighilahriz. Testimonies from historians and surviving victims revealed that General Bigeard, who died in 2010, participated in field executions on behalf of the French army. He would plunge his victims' feet into concrete before throwing them into the sea from helicopters. Algerians dubbed this dirty technique 'Bigeard's shrimp.' This practice prompted anti-torture activists to create the 'Toul Group,' whose slogan is 'History and Memory with Respect for Human Rights,' in protest against the erection of the statue. This issue has taken on a dimension beyond France's borders, with a Belgian activist denouncing torture, writing: 'I am extremely angry. How can a general known to historians for his teaching and practice of torture be honoured by France, the nation of human rights? Isn't your nation's motto merely a decoration on the facades of municipal buildings? Aren't 'liberty, equality, fraternity' supposed to represent the fundamental values of your republic? Is this last word also devoid of any moral meaning? No.' In a contribution to the aforementioned newspaper, he explained: 'Statues of former colonialists can remain in public places, as long as a critical apparatus informs passersby of historical facts and glorifies these figures, which is, at the very least, disputed. But the fact that such a monument—which represents an apology for torture—was erected in 2024 astonishes me! I sincerely hope this mistake is attributed to ignorance; otherwise, I would consider it reprehensible negligence, or even complicity with hateful far-right racists.' 'Let us remember the fate of those poor Algerians who also yearned for freedom, whose feet sank in a concrete pool before being thrown from a helicopter into the Mediterranean, and whose bloated bodies were sometimes found washed up on beaches. These young men, whose lives were so brutally snatched away in this way, were dubbed, with all the inhuman contempt inherent in the colonial spirit, 'Bigeard shrimp,' in honour of the general who instigated these crimes and whom you are honouring today,' he added.
Times of Oman
05-05-2025
- Politics
- Times of Oman
HM The Sultan visits memorial of the Martyr, National Museum of Moudjahid
Algiers — His Majesty Sultan Haitham bin Tarik on Monday visited the Memorial of the Martyr, or Maqam E'chahid, and the National Museum of Moudjahid in the Algerian capital, Algiers. This took place within the context of His Majesty's current visit to the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria. Upon His Majesty's arrival at the site on Al-Ham Plateau, he inspected the guard of honour who saluted His Majesty, accompanied by some Algerian officials. His Majesty then placed a wreath of flowers at the Memorial of the Martyr. Afterward, from atop the plateau, His Majesty listened to a briefing on the old city, the port and the surrounding areas. His Majesty the Sultan then visited the National Museum of Moudjahid. He took note of its halls while receiving a detailed explanation of its history, collections, and mission. At the conclusion of his tour, His Majesty the Sultan inscribed a message in the VIP guestbook, expressing his delight at visiting this historical landmark that documents an important era for the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria. His Majesty also extended his gratitude to the museum's administrators for their warm welcome and wished them continued success. During the visit, His Majesty the Sultan was accompanied by members of the official delegation. It is worth noting that the National Museum of Moudjahid was established in 1972 as a historical and cultural institution dedicated to preserving and documenting the memory of the Algerian Revolution. It also houses a scientific library containing thousands of references across various disciplines.
El Chorouk
05-04-2025
- Politics
- El Chorouk
Oradour-in-Algeria, Nazism is Pupil of Colonialism
A few days ago, a remnant of the French far-right dreamers of a 'French Algeria,' revolted against journalist and historian Jean-Michel Aphatie, because he claimed that the French occupation army had committed hundreds of 'Oradour-sur-Glane' in Algeria, a reference to a massacre committed by Nazi Germany against the French during World War II. As is well known, Aphatie's remarks led to his resignation from RTL radio station. However, it was not the first of its kind in modern French history. French historian Alain Ruscio established this fact by finding a document confirming Jean-Michel Aphatie's statement. The document dates back to 1945, when the French occupation army committed one of its most heinous crimes in Algeria: the events of May 8, 1945. Historian Alain Ruscio wrote an investigation published by the Colonial and Postcolonial History Association, titled 'Colonial Oradour': A Recurring Accusation After 1945.' In it, he compared the numerous condemnations of French colonial crimes and Nazi crimes in Oradour-sur-Glane. Alain Ruscio says: 'The outcry and angry protests against journalist Jean-Michel Aphatie's statements regarding the 'numerous massacres' committed by the French army during the invasion of Algeria raise questions. The prevailing theme was: French soldiers are incapable of doing this. However, while historical memory is lost among many of our contemporaries, starting with politicians (the example of Florence Portelli, elected by Le Pen's party, is significant) and the specialists in all things who have presented themselves to the groups, the writings remain. The truth is that the similarities between colonial and Nazi practices began with the tragic era of colonialism, and not only among left-wing ideologues or politicians.' The French historian spoke about numerous French crimes similar to those of Nazi Germany, asking: 'How many Oradors were there in Indochina?' (Vietnam)? In 1950, in the colony of Madagascar, which was described as a 'disgusting war,' the French occupation army brutally suppressed the Malagasy people's revolution. However, the most heinous and horrific massacres occurred in Algeria, particularly after the outbreak of the Algerian Revolution. The study noted the destruction of the village of Ain Melila, which Les Temps Moderne magazine described as Algeria's 'Oradour.' The study stated: 'In August 1955, the Constantine region was shaken by the outbreak of the rebellion (the Algerian Revolution). The Algerian people, who clearly remember the massacres committed in the region ten years earlier, carried out assassinations. 171 Europeans were killed. The repression was brutal and widespread. A figure of 10,000 victims has been estimated.' On September 5, 1955, the daily newspaper Libération, then run by Emmanuel d'Astier de La Vigerie, published Robert Merle's testimony, in which he denounced the blind repression: 'For every European killed, 10 or 20 Arabs are shot to death without trial,' the study added. 'World public opinion has every right to fear the presence of 'Oradorians' in Algeria and that we are heading towards a war of racial extermination.' On October 12, 1955, Socialist MP Mustapha Ben Bahmed took to the podium of the National Assembly (the lower house of the French Parliament) to say: 'In Douar Ait Kezine, a mixed town in Akbou (eastern Algiers), after a bulldozer was destroyed by the Mujahideen (freedom fighters), a French officer arrived with a detachment, carrying a list'. 'He rounded up eleven people, including a ten-year-old boy who refused to leave his father, and shot them near their village. Here, the Interior Minister (Editor's note: Maurice Bourgès-Maunoury) could not deny facts that went far beyond what happened in Oradour-sur-Glane', he added. Alain Ruscio asserted that 'during this war, there were countless outcries of protest, highlighting the similarities to Nazi crimes (which were present in everyone's memory at the time, especially the memories of former resistance fighters). Starting with Germaine Tillion: 'In 1957, in Algeria, there were practices resembling those of the Nazis.'' In the face of these brutal massacres, academics and activists, including Pierre-Henri Simon, a literature professor at the Catholic University of Lille, issued a warning: 'The French must know that they no longer have the right to condemn the perpetrators of Oradour and the Gestapo (Nazi German intelligence) executioners with the same terms they used ten years ago.'
