Latest news with #AmericanNavy
1News
7 days ago
- 1News
WWI veteran's medals returned to grandson after theft
World War I medals stolen from the mailbox of a veteran's grandson have been anonymously returned to a war memorial museum in Wellsford, police say. The medals belonging to decorated soldier Elmer James Conlon were discovered in the returns bin at Wellsford War Memorial Museum yesterday. On Wednesday, grandson Pat Conlon made a report to police after the valuable parcel, containing the medals, was allegedly stolen from his mailbox. Pat told Breakfast earlier this week the theft was "gut-wrenching". Police then appealed to the public for information that could help locate the medals, or for any locals to report if they'd seen any suspicious activity in the area on the date of the theft. Photographs of Pat Conlon's grandfather, Elmer James Conlon. (Source: 1News) ADVERTISEMENT Yesterday, police were contacted by Wellsford War Memorial Museum staff "advising that the medals had been located in their returns bin". Senior Sergeant Damian Lawn said it appeared someone had dropped them off overnight at the museum. "We're pleased that whoever took these medals did the right thing and returned them – obviously they are hugely significant to Mr Conlon and we are glad to be able to reunite him with them," he said in a media release. Police have fingerprinted the medals and are continuing inquiries into the theft. Earlier, police had established the parcel had been delivered on July 1, but had then gone missing before the war veteran's grandson could collect it. 'Gut-wrenching' loss for veteran's grandson Speaking to Breakfast earlier this week, before the medals were found, Pat said it was "gut-wrenching" to have his grandfather's war medals stolen moments before he was due to be reunited with them after more than 40 years. ADVERTISEMENT Pat Conlon said his grandfather's medals were stolen moments before he was due to pick them up after more than 40 years. (Source: Breakfast) The medals had been lost to the family for decades but, after a long search, they were finally tracked down and sent by courier to Pat. Just metres from their destination, the priceless family heirloom was stolen from a rural mailbox near Wellsford — before Pat could reach them. 'They were the only thing I had from my grandfather,' Pat said. 'To think they were finally coming back built my hopes up — I was overjoyed about the whole thing.' Elmer James Conlon, originally from Brooklyn, New York, served in the American Navy aboard the battleship Louisiana. He "jumped ship" in Auckland, New Zealand, and eventually settled in the small Northland town of Herekino. To gain New Zealand citizenship, Elmer fought in the First World War, including at the Battle of the Somme, where he was awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal for his service. He is buried in the Soldiers' Section at Hamilton Gardens. Additional reporting by Marlo Donoghue ADVERTISEMENT
1News
11-07-2025
- 1News
Stolen war medals a 'gut-wrenching' loss for veteran's grandson
Pat Conlon, grandson of decorated war veteran Elmer James Conlon, says it was "gut-wrenching" to have his grandfather's war medals stolen moments before he was due to be reunited with them after more than 40 years. The medals had been lost to the family for decades but, after a long search, they were finally tracked down and sent by courier to Pat. Just metres from their destination, the priceless family heirloom was stolen from a rural mailbox near Wellsford — before Pat could reach them. 'They were the only thing I had from my grandfather,' Pat said. 'To think they were finally coming back built my hopes up — I was overjoyed about the whole thing.' A photograph of the missing medals. (Source: 1News) Elmer James Conlon, originally from Brooklyn, New York, served in the American Navy aboard the battleship Louisiana. He "jumped ship" in Auckland, New Zealand, and eventually settled in the small Northland town of Herekino. ADVERTISEMENT To gain New Zealand citizenship, Elmer fought in the First World War, including at the Battle of the Somme, where he was awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal for his service. He is buried in the Soldiers' Section at Hamilton Gardens. Photographs of Pat Conlon's grandfather, Elmer James Conlon. (Source: 1News) Pat, who had replicas of the medals made to wear at Anzac Day dawn parades, said the day held deep personal significance. "To me, New Zealand Day is Anzac Day — because that's when we are all united." To the person who took the parcel, Pat was not seeking to press charges — he only wanted the precious memorabilia returned. "All I want is the medals," he said. "They could be put somewhere and I could go collect them. No questions asked." Police have been approached for a comment. By Marlo Donoghue
India.com
29-05-2025
- General
- India.com
Atom bombs that disappeared during World War II were never found..., can explode... and turn world into...
Atom bombs that disappeared during World War II were never found..., can explode... and turn world into... There are 9 countries in the world that have nuclear weapons. These include US, Russia, India, China, France, United Kingdom, Israel, North Korea and Pakistan. However, there are many nuclear weapons in the world about which no one knows till date and those remain as area of concern. During the Second World War, when superpowers like the US and Russia were about to attack each other with nuclear bombs, many planes with nuclear bombs were flying and were ready to wreak havoc at the go signal. During this time, many nuclear bombs had to be dropped. Although a few weapons were recovered, and a few were not found despite all the search and they were declared missing. Some bombs, however, also exploded when they fell down. According to a report, since 1950, more than 30 such accidents have happened. When nuclear weapons were dropped from the plane and they either exploded or were lost. However, no one has confirmed such accidents. The reason behind this is that knowing about the damage and side effects caused by such accidents will spread fear in the world. Despite this, some incidents have come to light. Such accidents are known as 'Broken Arrow'. On February 5, 1958, a Mark 15 thermonuclear bomb was dropped near Georgia's Tybee Island. It is said that it was dropped to reduce the weight of the plane for a safe landing. After the bomb was dropped, when it was searched for, it was not found. Even underwater wave detection equipment was used but it was not found. After which it was finally declared missing. Apart from this, in 1965 a B43 thermonuclear bomb fell into the Philippine Sea off the coast of Japan. It is said that it slipped and fell and was never found again after falling. Not only this, an American Navy officer also went missing along with this bomb. A huge amount of money was spent on the search operation but still it was not found.
Yahoo
08-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Opinion - Trump wants more ships? Korea stands ready to help build them.
The White House issued an executive order last month to restore America's maritime dominance, a move that went largely unnoticed amid the larger frenzy of actions being taken in the Trump administration's first 100 days. Despite this low profile, the order, part of a series of actions that include the creation of a White House Shipbuilding Council and the introduction of the bipartisan U.S. SHIPS Act, is of critical importance to rebuilding a key pillar of American national security: the U.S. shipbuilding industry. Why the sudden bipartisan determination to revive American shipbuilding? When Japanese bombs dropped on Pearl Harbor in 1941, the U.S. responded to a far more experienced naval adversary by outbuilding it. In 1943, only three aircraft carriers were under construction in Japanese shipyards, while 22 were being built in the U.S. Though shipbuilding alone did not determine World War II, it proved that superior industrial capacity was a critical enabler of success in prolonged great power conflicts. Today, that capacity has largely disappeared. Over 80 percent of U.S. shipyards have closed since the 1980s, and the U.S. builds fewer than five ships per year. Production has moved overseas to America's number one competitor, China. Chinese shipbuilding capacity is now 232 times greater than our own. China's navy is on track to have 460 vessels by 2030, dwarfing the American Navy's 295 ships. In today's climate of renewed great power competition, Republicans and Democrats alike are racing to rebuild this critical industry. While their efforts rely largely on supporting industry champions at home, the solution may lie with a key Asian ally whose shipyards are among the world's most productive — one that stands ready to help America rebuild its maritime power. To close the ship gap, revive American industry and breathe new life into one of our oldest alliances, the United States should pursue a strategic shipbuilding partnership with South Korea. As a U.S. ally since 1953, the Republic of Korea already hosts 28,500 American troops in the Indo-Pacific. Despite this, the alliance's economic and industrial potential remains underdeveloped. China is the world's largest shipbuilding nation, but Korea is the second largest. Internationally recognized for its sophistication, productivity and professionalism, Korean firms such as HD Hyundai, Hanwha Ocean and Samsung Heavy Industries have productivity rates two to three times higher than competing American firms, and produce commercial and naval vessels alike. In 2025 alone, South Korea accounted for 27 percent of global ship orders. This is exactly the kind of partner the U.S. needs. A new partnership could operate through a dual-shore approach that transforms the traditional U.S.-South Korea military alliance into an integrated strategic industrial base. The first shore is the United States. In 2024, Hanwha Ocean acquired Philly Shipyard, marking the first Korean ownership of an American shipbuilding facility. Washington should expand this model and negotiate the construction or transfer of additional shipyards to be operated by Korean firms, either independently or as joint ventures with American shipbuilders such as HII or General Dynamics. This approach would expand production capacity, accumulate industry best practices and create new jobs across America. These shipyards could produce both naval combatants and commercial vessels, presenting Korean firms with new revenue streams, international shipping companies greater supply chain resiliency, American communities new jobs, and the U.S. Navy more ships. The second shore is South Korea. Hyundai Heavy Industries announced in April that the Korean firm could build up to five Aegis destroyers per year for the U.S. Navy if bilateral cooperation is formalized. While new shipyards in America are getting up and running, the U.S. should lean more on its allies to sustain its maritime strength. Washington should formalize agreements with capable Korean shipyards to procure naval combatants and secure access for maintenance, repair and resupply missions in the region. Hanwha successfully rendered these services to the U.S. Naval Ship Wally Schirra in March, proving the arrangement's feasibility. By institutionalizing production and servicing contracts, Korean shipbuilders can help expand the American fleet while sustaining ongoing forward-deployed operations. President Trump's 'Liberation Day' tariffs against South Korea, despite the two countries' free trade agreement and long-standing relations, put the U.S.-Korea alliance on shaky ground. That said, it also made clear that allies benefiting from American security guarantees must make visible contributions to core U.S. interests. This dual-shore shipbuilding strategy is a model of how an ally can do just that. For one, this initiative would turn a conventional defense treaty into a fully-fledged industrial alliance, leveraging both countries' military, technological and manufacturing strengths to produce a maritime force capable of defending shared interests. Second, it would put the alliance on firmer ground by broadening the coalition of invested stakeholders. While a mutual defense treaty is at the mercy of world leaders, an industrial alliance supporting thousands of jobs in communities across both countries is far more resilient. By tying foreign policy objectives to local political interests, both capitals can strengthen and diversify the buy-in to this alliance. Today, American allies around the world worry that the U.S. has given up on alliances. By transforming the U.S.-South Korea alliance, Washington has the chance to send a clear and critical signal: alliances must deliver, and they can deliver when built around mutual interest and resilience. Korea is ready to become a cornerstone of a stronger, more mutually beneficial alliance system; it is primed to help carry the weight of some of the most pressing items on America's foreign and domestic political agendas, bringing jobs and security back to America. The burden is on Washington to recognize the urgency and potential of the moment and set sail for that stronger, safer future. Arjun Akwei is a Schwarzman Scholar and a former research associate at Harvard University's Weatherhead Center for International Affairs. Jinwan Park is a Nonresident James A. Kelly Korea Fellow at Pacific Forum and a nonresident fellow at the European Centre for North Korean Studies at the University of Vienna. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
08-05-2025
- Business
- The Hill
Trump wants more ships? Korea stands ready to help build them.
The White House issued an executive order last month to restore America's maritime dominance, a move that went largely unnoticed amid the larger frenzy of actions being taken in the Trump administration's first 100 days. Despite this low profile, the order, part of a series of actions that include the creation of a White House Shipbuilding Council and the introduction of the bipartisan U.S. SHIPS Act, is of critical importance to rebuilding a key pillar of American national security: the U.S. shipbuilding industry. Why the sudden bipartisan determination to revive American shipbuilding? When Japanese bombs dropped on Pearl Harbor in 1941, the U.S. responded to a far more experienced naval adversary by outbuilding it. In 1943, only three aircraft carriers were under construction in Japanese shipyards, while 22 were being built in the U.S. Though shipbuilding alone did not determine World War II, it proved that superior industrial capacity was a critical enabler of success in prolonged great power conflicts. Today, that capacity has largely disappeared. Over 80 percent of U.S. shipyards have closed since the 1980s, and the U.S. builds fewer than five ships per year. Production has moved overseas to America's number one competitor, China. Chinese shipbuilding capacity is now 232 times greater than our own. China's navy is on track to have 460 vessels by 2030, dwarfing the American Navy's 295 ships. In today's climate of renewed great power competition, Republicans and Democrats alike are racing to rebuild this critical industry. While their efforts rely largely on supporting industry champions at home, the solution may lie with a key Asian ally whose shipyards are among the world's most productive — one that stands ready to help America rebuild its maritime power. To close the ship gap, revive American industry and breathe new life into one of our oldest alliances, the United States should pursue a strategic shipbuilding partnership with South Korea. As a U.S. ally since 1953, the Republic of Korea already hosts 28,500 American troops in the Indo-Pacific. Despite this, the alliance's economic and industrial potential remains underdeveloped. China is the world's largest shipbuilding nation, but Korea is the second largest. Internationally recognized for its sophistication, productivity and professionalism, Korean firms such as HD Hyundai, Hanwha Ocean and Samsung Heavy Industries have productivity rates two to three times higher than competing American firms, and produce commercial and naval vessels alike. In 2025 alone, South Korea accounted for 27 percent of global ship orders. This is exactly the kind of partner the U.S. needs. A new partnership could operate through a dual-shore approach that transforms the traditional U.S.-South Korea military alliance into an integrated strategic industrial base. The first shore is the United States. In 2024, Hanwha Ocean acquired Philly Shipyard, marking the first Korean ownership of an American shipbuilding facility. Washington should expand this model and negotiate the construction or transfer of additional shipyards to be operated by Korean firms, either independently or as joint ventures with American shipbuilders such as HII or General Dynamics. This approach would expand production capacity, accumulate industry best practices and create new jobs across America. These shipyards could produce both naval combatants and commercial vessels, presenting Korean firms with new revenue streams, international shipping companies greater supply chain resiliency, American communities new jobs, and the U.S. Navy more ships. The second shore is South Korea. Hyundai Heavy Industries announced in April that the Korean firm could build up to five Aegis destroyers per year for the U.S. Navy if bilateral cooperation is formalized. While new shipyards in America are getting up and running, the U.S. should lean more on its allies to sustain its maritime strength. Washington should formalize agreements with capable Korean shipyards to procure naval combatants and secure access for maintenance, repair and resupply missions in the region. Hanwha successfully rendered these services to the U.S. Naval Ship Wally Schirra in March, proving the arrangement's feasibility. By institutionalizing production and servicing contracts, Korean shipbuilders can help expand the American fleet while sustaining ongoing forward-deployed operations. President Trump's 'Liberation Day' tariffs against South Korea, despite the two countries' free trade agreement and long-standing relations, put the U.S.-Korea alliance on shaky ground. That said, it also made clear that allies benefiting from American security guarantees must make visible contributions to core U.S. interests. This dual-shore shipbuilding strategy is a model of how an ally can do just that. For one, this initiative would turn a conventional defense treaty into a fully-fledged industrial alliance, leveraging both countries' military, technological and manufacturing strengths to produce a maritime force capable of defending shared interests. Second, it would put the alliance on firmer ground by broadening the coalition of invested stakeholders. While a mutual defense treaty is at the mercy of world leaders, an industrial alliance supporting thousands of jobs in communities across both countries is far more resilient. By tying foreign policy objectives to local political interests, both capitals can strengthen and diversify the buy-in to this alliance. Today, American allies around the world worry that the U.S. has given up on alliances. By transforming the U.S.-South Korea alliance, Washington has the chance to send a clear and critical signal: alliances must deliver, and they can deliver when built around mutual interest and resilience. Korea is ready to become a cornerstone of a stronger, more mutually beneficial alliance system; it is primed to help carry the weight of some of the most pressing items on America's foreign and domestic political agendas, bringing jobs and security back to America. The burden is on Washington to recognize the urgency and potential of the moment and set sail for that stronger, safer future. Arjun Akwei is a Schwarzman Scholar and a former research associate at Harvard University's Weatherhead Center for International Affairs. Jinwan Park is a Nonresident James A. Kelly Korea Fellow at Pacific Forum and a nonresident fellow at the European Centre for North Korean Studies at the University of Vienna.
