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Republicans face a ferocious ad campaign surrounding Trump's ‘big, beautiful bill'
Republicans face a ferocious ad campaign surrounding Trump's ‘big, beautiful bill'

Yahoo

time2 days ago

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Republicans face a ferocious ad campaign surrounding Trump's ‘big, beautiful bill'

A ferocious advertising campaign is underway with passage of President Donald Trump's landmark policy bill hanging in the balance, as political groups and business interests spent at least $35 million just this month to try to sway key members of Congress and their constituents. Republican Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina was facing the pressure from both sides before he announced Sunday that he wouldn't seek reelection in 2026. Americans for Prosperity, an arm of the conservative megadonor Charles Koch's political network, spent nearly $2 million this month in key media markets such as Charlotte and Raleigh-Durham. 'Trump's tax cuts put money back in my pocket, and they're helping young families save for their first homes,' says a woman featured in one of the ads from AFP. 'Congress needs to save our tax cuts and protect prosperity.' At the same time, the Democratic-aligned group Unrig Our Economy spent nearly $1 million hammering Tillis over Medicaid cuts in the bill. 'Sen. Thom Tillis could vote to take away our health care and give tax breaks to billionaires,' an ad from the group warns. Other Republicans in swing districts face the same dynamic heading into a midterm campaign in which they will need to reach at least some voters who don't back Trump without angering the president or his core supporters. In Tillis' case, he announced he wouldn't seek reelection hours after Trump called for him to face a primary challenge because he didn't support a procedural vote on the 'big, beautiful bill.' 'We so often hear of members concerned about their general reelection efforts, but that is all for naught if you can't get through a primary,' said John Thomas, a Republican strategist and ad maker. 'To add even more pressure, the GOP base is extremely supportive of President Trump, much more than their individual federal representative. Break rank with Trump and there is a price to pay.' Nebraska Rep. Don Bacon, a Republican from a battleground district who last week announced plans to retire, commented Friday on the advertising blitz surrounding the legislation. 'I think the other guys, look, they put $500,000 on me this week saying 'Don Bacon's cutting Medicaid,'' he told CNN's Manu Raju. 'There's a lot of goodness here, but we gotta talk about it and show the voters.' In June alone, according to data from the ad-tracking firm AdImpact, a sprawling collection of large PACs and interest groups spent more than $35 million on dozens of ads about the bill, which contains a range of Trump administration policy priorities on taxes, spending and immigration. Republicans account for about half of that spending, while Democrats account for about a quarter and independent and business PACs for another quarter. Hundreds of thousands of dollars more have been spent on ads not explicitly mentioning the sweeping legislation but referencing looming policy changes and parochial interests, backed by other business and lobbying groups. Late Saturday night, after intense negotiations, the sweeping bill narrowly cleared a major procedural hurdle in the Senate by a 51-49 vote, backed by several key swing votes — among those buffeted by ad campaigns — in the spotlight, such as Maine Sen. Susan Collins, Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski and Missouri Sen. Josh Hawley. Major challenges for the giant tax and spending bill remain, however, as it still faces amendments and a final vote in the Senate. The House will have to vote to accept a significantly changed piece of legislation from the Senate after only narrowly approving its own version of the bill weeks ago. A group aligned with Trump's political network, 'Securing American Greatness,' has spent more than $7.7 million on ads in June, leading all advertisers with a broad campaign, much of it aimed at shoring up support among House members. 'Mariannette Miller-Meeks just voted for President Trump's working family tax cuts that mean higher wages and lower taxes for working families,' says an ad from the group targeting the key battleground representative from Iowa who won her last reelection by 798 votes. At the same time, the pro-Trump group is hammering congressional Democrats in competitive districts for their opposition to the bill, raising the prospect of higher taxes if an extension of 2017 tax cuts, included in the legislation, fails to pass. 'It's Washington's game, taxing us to bankroll their liberal waste,' says an ad from the group targeting California Democratic Rep. Josh Harder, reelected in 2024 by a margin of about 9,000 votes. 'Tell Josh Harder we can't afford his tax hikes.' With the key procedural hurdle cleared on Saturday, Republican Sen. Kevin Cramer underscored the political challenges would get easier once the bill was passed. 'Well, it doesn't get easier,' the North Dakota senator said. 'I just think, at some point, you just have to take what you know — all the data, all the analysis, all the discussion, all the hearings — and apply them to a vote. Pass the bill. And the sooner we do that, the sooner all the good things will kick in, and that will alleviate, I think, people's concerns.'

Republicans face a ferocious ad campaign surrounding Trump's ‘big, beautiful bill'
Republicans face a ferocious ad campaign surrounding Trump's ‘big, beautiful bill'

CNN

time3 days ago

  • Business
  • CNN

Republicans face a ferocious ad campaign surrounding Trump's ‘big, beautiful bill'

A ferocious advertising campaign is underway with passage of President Donald Trump's landmark policy bill hanging in the balance, as political groups and business interests spent at least $35 million just this month to try to sway key members of Congress and their constituents. Republican Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina was facing the pressure from both sides before he announced Sunday that he wouldn't seek reelection in 2026. Americans for Prosperity, an arm of the conservative megadonor Charles Koch's political network, spent nearly $2 million this month in key media markets such as Charlotte and Raleigh-Durham. 'Trump's tax cuts put money back in my pocket, and they're helping young families save for their first homes,' says a woman featured in one of the ads from AFP. 'Congress needs to save our tax cuts and protect prosperity.' At the same time, the Democratic-aligned group Unrig Our Economy spent nearly $1 million hammering Tillis over Medicaid cuts in the bill. 'Sen. Thom Tillis could vote to take away our health care and give tax breaks to billionaires,' an ad from the group warns. Other Republicans in swing districts face the same dynamic heading into a midterm campaign in which they will need to reach at least some voters who don't back Trump without angering the president or his core supporters. In Tillis' case, he announced he wouldn't seek reelection hours after Trump called for him to face a primary challenge because he didn't support a procedural vote on the 'big, beautiful bill.' 'We so often hear of members concerned about their general reelection efforts, but that is all for naught if you can't get through a primary,' said John Thomas, a Republican strategist and ad maker. 'To add even more pressure, the GOP base is extremely supportive of President Trump, much more than their individual federal representative. Break rank with Trump and there is a price to pay.' Nebraska Rep. Don Bacon, a Republican from a battleground district who last week announced plans to retire, commented Friday on the advertising blitz surrounding the legislation. 'I think the other guys, look, they put $500,000 on me this week saying 'Don Bacon's cutting Medicaid,'' he told CNN's Manu Raju. 'There's a lot of goodness here, but we gotta talk about it and show the voters.' In June alone, according to data from the ad-tracking firm AdImpact, a sprawling collection of large PACs and interest groups spent more than $35 million on dozens of ads about the bill, which contains a range of Trump administration policy priorities on taxes, spending and immigration. Republicans account for about half of that spending, while Democrats account for about a quarter and independent and business PACs for another quarter. Hundreds of thousands of dollars more have been spent on ads not explicitly mentioning the sweeping legislation but referencing looming policy changes and parochial interests, backed by other business and lobbying groups. Late Saturday night, after intense negotiations, the sweeping bill narrowly cleared a major procedural hurdle in the Senate by a 51-49 vote, backed by several key swing votes — among those buffeted by ad campaigns — in the spotlight, such as Maine Sen. Susan Collins, Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski and Missouri Sen. Josh Hawley. Major challenges for the giant tax and spending bill remain, however, as it still faces amendments and a final vote in the Senate. The House will have to vote to accept a significantly changed piece of legislation from the Senate after only narrowly approving its own version of the bill weeks ago. A group aligned with Trump's political network, 'Securing American Greatness,' has spent more than $7.7 million on ads in June, leading all advertisers with a broad campaign, much of it aimed at shoring up support among House members. 'Mariannette Miller-Meeks just voted for President Trump's working family tax cuts that mean higher wages and lower taxes for working families,' says an ad from the group targeting the key battleground representative from Iowa who won her last reelection by 798 votes. At the same time, the pro-Trump group is hammering congressional Democrats in competitive districts for their opposition to the bill, raising the prospect of higher taxes if an extension of 2017 tax cuts, included in the legislation, fails to pass. 'It's Washington's game, taxing us to bankroll their liberal waste,' says an ad from the group targeting California Democratic Rep. Josh Harder, reelected in 2024 by a margin of about 9,000 votes. 'Tell Josh Harder we can't afford his tax hikes.' With the key procedural hurdle cleared on Saturday, Republican Sen. Kevin Cramer underscored the political challenges would get easier once the bill was passed. 'Well, it doesn't get easier,' the North Dakota senator said. 'I just think, at some point, you just have to take what you know — all the data, all the analysis, all the discussion, all the hearings — and apply them to a vote. Pass the bill. And the sooner we do that, the sooner all the good things will kick in, and that will alleviate, I think, people's concerns.'

Republicans face a ferocious ad campaign surrounding Trump's ‘big, beautiful bill'
Republicans face a ferocious ad campaign surrounding Trump's ‘big, beautiful bill'

CNN

time3 days ago

  • Business
  • CNN

Republicans face a ferocious ad campaign surrounding Trump's ‘big, beautiful bill'

A ferocious advertising campaign is underway with passage of President Donald Trump's landmark policy bill hanging in the balance, as political groups and business interests spent at least $35 million just this month to try to sway key members of Congress and their constituents. Republican Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina was facing the pressure from both sides before he announced Sunday that he wouldn't seek reelection in 2026. Americans for Prosperity, an arm of the conservative megadonor Charles Koch's political network, spent nearly $2 million this month in key media markets such as Charlotte and Raleigh-Durham. 'Trump's tax cuts put money back in my pocket, and they're helping young families save for their first homes,' says a woman featured in one of the ads from AFP. 'Congress needs to save our tax cuts and protect prosperity.' At the same time, the Democratic-aligned group Unrig Our Economy spent nearly $1 million hammering Tillis over Medicaid cuts in the bill. 'Sen. Thom Tillis could vote to take away our health care and give tax breaks to billionaires,' an ad from the group warns. Other Republicans in swing districts face the same dynamic heading into a midterm campaign in which they will need to reach at least some voters who don't back Trump without angering the president or his core supporters. In Tillis' case, he announced he wouldn't seek reelection hours after Trump called for him to face a primary challenge because he didn't support a procedural vote on the 'big, beautiful bill.' 'We so often hear of members concerned about their general reelection efforts, but that is all for naught if you can't get through a primary,' said John Thomas, a Republican strategist and ad maker. 'To add even more pressure, the GOP base is extremely supportive of President Trump, much more than their individual federal representative. Break rank with Trump and there is a price to pay.' Nebraska Rep. Don Bacon, a Republican from a battleground district who last week announced plans to retire, commented Friday on the advertising blitz surrounding the legislation. 'I think the other guys, look, they put $500,000 on me this week saying 'Don Bacon's cutting Medicaid,'' he told CNN's Manu Raju. 'There's a lot of goodness here, but we gotta talk about it and show the voters.' In June alone, according to data from the ad-tracking firm AdImpact, a sprawling collection of large PACs and interest groups spent more than $35 million on dozens of ads about the bill, which contains a range of Trump administration policy priorities on taxes, spending and immigration. Republicans account for about half of that spending, while Democrats account for about a quarter and independent and business PACs for another quarter. Hundreds of thousands of dollars more have been spent on ads not explicitly mentioning the sweeping legislation but referencing looming policy changes and parochial interests, backed by other business and lobbying groups. Late Saturday night, after intense negotiations, the sweeping bill narrowly cleared a major procedural hurdle in the Senate by a 51-49 vote, backed by several key swing votes — among those buffeted by ad campaigns — in the spotlight, such as Maine Sen. Susan Collins, Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski and Missouri Sen. Josh Hawley. Major challenges for the giant tax and spending bill remain, however, as it still faces amendments and a final vote in the Senate. The House will have to vote to accept a significantly changed piece of legislation from the Senate after only narrowly approving its own version of the bill weeks ago. A group aligned with Trump's political network, 'Securing American Greatness,' has spent more than $7.7 million on ads in June, leading all advertisers with a broad campaign, much of it aimed at shoring up support among House members. 'Mariannette Miller-Meeks just voted for President Trump's working family tax cuts that mean higher wages and lower taxes for working families,' says an ad from the group targeting the key battleground representative from Iowa who won her last reelection by 798 votes. At the same time, the pro-Trump group is hammering congressional Democrats in competitive districts for their opposition to the bill, raising the prospect of higher taxes if an extension of 2017 tax cuts, included in the legislation, fails to pass. 'It's Washington's game, taxing us to bankroll their liberal waste,' says an ad from the group targeting California Democratic Rep. Josh Harder, reelected in 2024 by a margin of about 9,000 votes. 'Tell Josh Harder we can't afford his tax hikes.' With the key procedural hurdle cleared on Saturday, Republican Sen. Kevin Cramer underscored the political challenges would get easier once the bill was passed. 'Well, it doesn't get easier,' the North Dakota senator said. 'I just think, at some point, you just have to take what you know — all the data, all the analysis, all the discussion, all the hearings — and apply them to a vote. Pass the bill. And the sooner we do that, the sooner all the good things will kick in, and that will alleviate, I think, people's concerns.'

The battle over Utah's collective bargaining ban: How Utahns say they would vote
The battle over Utah's collective bargaining ban: How Utahns say they would vote

Yahoo

time18-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

The battle over Utah's collective bargaining ban: How Utahns say they would vote

Over the last few months there's been a lot of discussion and controversy over Utah's law banning public sector collective bargaining and the referendum to repeal it. But how do Utahns actually feel about the law? The Deseret News recently ran a poll with HarrisX asking over 800 Utahns what they think of the labor unions referendum movement happening in Utah, here's a look at what the response was. The law, HB267, was passed through the Utah Legislature this year and shortly after a group of public unions filed for a referendum against it. Respondents to the poll were asked: 'The referendum to repeal the law that bans public employee unions in Utah from collective bargaining recently qualified for the 2026 ballot. If the election were held today, would you vote in favor or against the referendum?' Out of 805 registered voters, 36% said they would vote in favor of the referendum, 32% said they'd vote against and 31% said they don't know. 'This shows that while the referendum supporters gathered historic numbers of signatures, that's not necessarily translating directly to support for the referendum overall,' wrote Kevin Greene, the state director of Americans for Prosperity Utah, who is in favor of HB267. When it comes to party affiliation, Republicans were split almost perfectly into thirds, with 33% saying they'd vote in favor, 33% against and 34% saying they don't know. 'The recent poll confirms what we already know: Utahns stand with public workers, no matter their political affiliation. Support for the referendum is strong and we see a significant opportunity to grow that support further,' according to a statement from the Protect Utah Workers coalition. Democrats had a stronger lean toward the referendum, with 50% saying they'd vote in favor, 27% saying they'd vote against and 23% saying they don't know. 'I think these results show that there's a lot of room to educate the public on what HB267 actually did and why it's good policy for Utah,' Greene said. 'We're already doing that through conversations at the grassroots level, and we're seeing support grow in favor of this new law when people get fully connected to it.' This survey was conducted online from May 16-21 among 805 registered voters in Utah by HarrisX. Respondents are recruited through opt-in, web-panel recruitment sampling. Recruitment occurs through a broad variety of professional, validated respondent panels to expand the sampling frame as wide as possible and minimize the impact of any given panel on recruiting methods. The results reflect a representative sample of registered voters in the state. Results for voters were weighted for age, gender, race/ethnicity, income, political party, education, and congressional district. The margin of error for the sample is +/- 3.5 percentage points. 'It appears that every side, regardless of your position, has a lot of ground to cover, for, for or against,' said Jason Perry, Director of the Hinckley Institute of Politics at the University of Utah. 'I expect, given these numbers, all, whatever side people are on, there will be a renewed effort to reframe the arguments for and against.' David Osborne, the senior director of Labor Policy with the Commonwealth Foundation, shared what the different provisions of the bill are. The first thing it does is prohibits collective bargaining for public labor union, which is what has drawn the most controversy. Collective bargaining is when an employer and a union come together to negotiate a contract for employees. It also has a provision called paycheck protection 'in Utah, that means that there's only so much union dues that can be collected via payroll deduction,' Osborne said. There is also a ban on government support for union activities, which includes 'giving union employees paid leave to participate in union activities,' as well as allowing unions to use certain spaces for free. The law also puts an end to involving public sector unions in the state retirement system. It also would provide liability insurance for teachers, which was previously only available through the unions. 'So that would take away the impulse for someone who doesn't want to be part of the union to join anyway,' Osborne said. There is also a transparency aspect to HB267, which would require unions to report to the labor commission their membership numbers and where they're spending their money. This law only deals with public sector labor unions and has nothing to do with the private sector. Under HB267 unions would still have the right to exist and operate, they just would no longer be able to participate in collective bargaining. While the law would impact all public sector unions in the state, teachers have been the focus of a lot of the arguments over HB267. There have been multiple organizations that openly support HB267, one of these is Utah Parents United, which supports the law because they want schools to focus more on students and parents. 'It will take the focus off the politics in school, right, and then start putting the focus back on student success and our kids. And that's what education should be about. It should really be about our kids the end of the day and and that's why we love this bill,' said Corinne Johnson, the founder and president of Utah Parents United. Osborne said that part of HB267 is protecting public employees who don't want to be a part of the union. 'Usually in America, we think individualistically about individual rights, civil rights, one of which would be to choose who represents you and who doesn't speak for you, but exclusive representation and unionism is a collective enterprise. It's sort of the opposite of what we might think of as a individual liberties in another context.' But with the paycheck protection and retirement system provisions, its more than just about employees. 'This is a lot more than just protecting an individual public employee, this seems to also be about the taxpayer,' he added. One argument in favor of the law is that it will decrease the political power of the unions. Osborne shared that in Chicago the teacher's union got one of their union officials elected as mayor. 'They get him in place, and then come negotiation time, they're like, 'Alright, let's do a deal.' He has basically drawn up plans to bankrupt the city for the benefit of the teachers unions,' he said. He also added that the law will help governments 'actually run things,' instead of focusing on negotiating with the unions. 'This law, again, takes away our voice. It takes away the autonomy of our employers to recognize a bargaining agent,' said Renee Pinkney, the president of the Utah Education Association. The Protect Utah Workers Coalition has been leading the charge in the fight against HB267. The coalition is made up of 19 different unions in the state including the UEA, Teamsters Local 222, American Federation of Government Employees and Professional Firefighters of Utah. 'It's about our voice. It's about our ability to make positive improvements in our schools, and it's about democracy, because we believe the people should be able to weigh in on this particular decision,' Pinkney said. Pinkney said that the ability to collective bargain doesn't just help when it comes to compensation packages, but also with working conditions, safety and their students' learning conditions. But she added that being able to collective bargain for compensation allows districts to stay competitive. Harrison Long, a firefighter who is a part of the Salt Lake City Local 81 union, helped with the signature gathering effort and shared why he is against HB267. He agreed that collective bargaining helps firefighters not just with wages but with safety. One thing firefighters in Salt Lake City have been able to negotiate for is four-handed staffing, which makes it so each fire engine has to have four firefighters, making it easier for them to do their job and safer for the public. 'We believe that firefighters should have a voice in firefighting,' Long said. 'It is important for public workers, for educators, to be able to collaborate with our districts to improve working conditions, to make sure that we have healthy and safe schools for our students, for our educators, that we are working to help our students and educators thrive,' Pinkney added. One other point Pinkney made is that some districts and organizations use collective bargaining and others don't, based on their needs and situation. 'One size doesn't fit all,' she said. HB267, sponsored by Rep. Jordan Teuscher, R- South Jordan, was one of the most controversial bills of this year's legislative session and after it was passed by lawmakers, it was signed by Gov. Spencer Cox. As soon as the session ended, the public unions against the law came together to form the protect Utah workers coalition and filed an application for a referendum against the law. The next few weeks were engulfed by a signature gathering campaign by the coalition, which included volunteers and paid signature gatherers. After the coalition turned in over 300,000 signatures, signature verification was completed on May 8. At the end of the verification process conducted by county clerks offices around the state, 251,590 signatures had been verified and 73,136 signatures had been rejected. In Utah a referendum requires 140,748 signatures to qualify for the ballot. The law was originally supposed to go into effect on July 1 but on May 6, Utah Lt. Gov. Deidre Henderson issued a temporary stay of HB267, meaning it will not go into effect when originally planned. Under the temporary stay, the ban on public sector collective bargaining will stay paused until the lieutenant governor declares the referendum petition insufficient or the governor issues a proclamation putting the law into effect. Even though the signature verification process has been finished, signatures can still be removed, Pinkney said she believes the deadline for signature removal is June 23. The amount of signatures gathered qualifies the referendum for the ballot and it is assumed that the referendum will be on the ballot during the November 2026 general election in Utah, but nothing is confirmed. There are a few other options as to what could happen, for example a special election could be called by the governor. As soon as it is confirmed that the referendum will be on the ballot and when that will be, it is expected that both sides will be launching campaigns to encourage Utahns on how to vote. 'We're confident that when voters have the final say, they will reject HB267 and stand with the people who serve our communities every day. Public workers are united, momentum is on our side, and we will win,' according to a statement from the Protected Utah Workers Coalition. Pinkney said that the campaign for the referendum would look similar to the UEA's campaign against Constitutional Amendment A. 'We'll keep doing what we've been doing — talking to the public about why the law is great policy for Utah. It protects taxpayers and ensures accountability. We're ready to continue our push to rally support for the law if it ends up on the ballot,' Greene wrote.

Nearly A Quarter Of All States Will Likely Have A REINS Act By 2026
Nearly A Quarter Of All States Will Likely Have A REINS Act By 2026

Forbes

time05-06-2025

  • Business
  • Forbes

Nearly A Quarter Of All States Will Likely Have A REINS Act By 2026

The legislative building in downtown Raleigh NC, and the North Carolina state seal Earlier this week, U.S. Department of Interior Secretary Doug Burgum announced a formal rescission of '18 obsolete or redundant Bureau of Land Management regulations.' The June 3 DOI statement announcing the recission called it 'a decisive move to advance America's energy independence and economic vitality.' 'This effort embodies our dedication to removing bureaucratic red tape that hinders American innovation and energy production,' said Interior Secretary Doug Burgum. 'By rescinding these outdated regulations, we are not only reducing costs and streamlining processes but also reinforcing our commitment to energy independence and national prosperity — all while maintaining the highest standards of environmental stewardship.' While the Trump administration continues to pursue reforms that reduce the federal regulatory burden, which now exceeds the combined cost of personal and corporate income taxes, governors and state lawmakers across the country are making progress this year when it comes to taming state regulatory burdens, namely by passing state-level versions of the REINS Act. The federal REINS Act, which would subject new regulations whose cost exceeds $100 million to congressional approval, is still awaiting consideration on Capitol Hill. In the meantime, the number of states with their own version of the REINS Act is continues to grow. Eric Bott at Americans for Prosperity, which has been a driving force behind the nationwide expansion of the REINS Act, notes there has been a more than three-fold increase in the number of REINS Act states since Governor Scott Walker (R-Wisc.) signed legislation in 2017 making Wisconsin only the second state to have enacted this reform, with Florida being the first. Going into 2025 three states (Wisconsin, Kansas, and Florida) had a state-level REINS Act on the books, subjecting state regulations that exceed a specified cost to legislative approval. In three other states — Indiana, West Virginia, and Idaho — lawmakers had already approved reforms installing mechanisms similar to REINS, but with slight variations. New Hampshire has such a comparatively weak governor with so many checks in place, Bott explains, that the need for a REINS Act almost isn't applicable in the Granite State. States that have a REINS Act and those where lawmakers are considering enacting one. 'Florida has had REINS in the form of legislative rules ratification in place since 2010, and the process has earned the praise of regulators, legislators, and even the Florida Bar Journal,' notes Jon Sanders of the John Locke Foundation, a North Carolina-based think tank. 'It causes regulators to work with legislators when they perceive the need for a costly regulation. This produces the coexistence between legislators and regulation that best serves people.' Thus far in 2025, lawmakers in Kentucky, Wyoming, Utah, and Oklahoma have enacted REINS Act legislation. At least three more state legislatures are likely to pass a REINS Act this summer. REINS Act legislation introduced in Louisiana, Senate Bill 59, is now working its way toward Governor Jeff Landry's (R) desk, with the Louisiana House passing SB 59 on June 2. 'Louisianans face multiple legal and regulatory barriers to starting and running a business,' said Daniel Erspamer, CEO of the Pelican Institute for Public Policy, a Louisiana-based think tank. 'SB 59 by Senator Reese will empower legislative oversight committees to review, and approve or reject rules promulgated by agencies that will have a $200K per year or $1M impact over five years on regulated individuals or companies.' On June 4, two days after the Louisiana House unanimously passed SB 59, the North Carolina Senate Regulatory Reform Committee held a hearing advancing HB 402, REINS Act legislation approved by the North Carolina House in April. The next stop for HB 402 is the Senate Rules Committee and then, supporters hope, the Senate floor. As the REINS Act makes progress in North Carolina, opponents are speaking out. The Southern Environment Law Center, for example, testified against HB 402 during the North Carolina Senate Regulatory Reform Committee hearing this week, as did a representative for Democracy Out Loud, an organization that describes itself as a 'peaceful activist community works together for a democracy that improves people's lives.' 'We have regulatory agencies,' the Democracy Out Loud representative told lawmakers during the June 4 hearing. 'You appoint people to the regulatory agencies. You have some control over major rules that come. You don't need this law to take over.' The irony of a pro-democracy group opposing a reform that would give democratically-elected officials final say on the costliest regulations, rather than unelected bureaucrats who are not accountable to voters, was not addressed during the June 4 hearing. It could, however, come up in the Rules Committee. In addition to Louisiana and North Carolina, Ohio lawmakers are also on the cusp of passing REINS Act legislation. In a joint letter to Ohio legislators, a coalition of conservative organizations wrote that enactment of the REINS Act 'will establish the necessary checks and balances by requiring legislative approval for new rules or regulations that impose a significant fiscal burden, ensuring that such decisions are made by elected representatives rather than unelected bureaucrats.' If lawmakers in Ohio, North Carolina, and Louisiana enact the pending REINS Act bills in the coming weeks, as many expect, nearly a quarter of all states will have a REINS Act on the books going into 2026. What's more, REINS Act legislation is primed for further expansion next year in South Carolina, Montana, Missouri, and a host of other states. President Donald Trump has endorsed the federal REINS Act, the most recent version of which was introduced earlier this year by Congresswoman Kat Cammack (R-Fl.) and Senator Rand Paul (R-Ky.). At the current pace, however, a sizable chunk of the country, maybe even most states, will have a state-level REINS Act by the time this reform is enacted federally.

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