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Express Tribune
5 days ago
- Entertainment
- Express Tribune
Muslim mayors in the secular West: rewriting inclusion
In December 2001, the release of Monsoon Wedding brought two enemies and neighbours — India and Pakistan — back into a charmingly ambivalent cultural dialogue. The film, incrusted with varicolored threads, also revivified Farida Khanum's 'Aaj Jaane Ki Zid Na Karo' in a tragically comic moment that only our desi urban audiences, caught between modernisation and tradition, can truly appreciate. I was personally enthused by the subtle exposé of the girl child abuse and the perfidy of a so-called father-figure uncle. It was notable that the director was Mira Nair. Almost a quarter-century later, her 33-year-old son Zohran Mamdani, a Gujrati Shia Muslim through his father, the renowned political theorist Mahmood Mamdani, is making headlines for entirely different reasons. After winning the June 24, 2025 Democratic primary, he is poised to become New York City's first Muslim and Indian-Ugandan mayor, with his bold "lunatic" political agenda. I hold profound respect for him not only for his principled stance on the genocide in Gaza, but also for his courage in calling out Narendra Modi, the butcher of Gujarat. In doing so, he stands apart perhaps even above most of the living recipients of the Nobel Peace Prize. His moral vision, one can only hope and pray, is authentic, and his elite connections in India and Pakistan do not lead him to bargain it away. While his victory will remain unique and grand like the city itself, it is essential to acknowledge that he is not the first one in this role in the secular West, a part of the world often perceived, and to an extensive extent experienced, as biased against Muslims. In recent years, Muslim Americans have progressively entered local politics, with a modest but meaningful rise in mayors across the US. Abdullah Hammoud became Dearborn, Michigan's first Arab-Muslim mayor in 2021. Mohamed Khairullah, a Syrian-American, has led Prospect Park, NJ, since 2006 and is known for advocating immigrant rights. Ali Saleh in Bell, California, represents a growing presence of Arab-Muslim leadership in immigrant-community-oriented politics. Sadaf Daniel Sheffield, born in Chicago to Pakistani-Yemeni parents, made history as the first Muslim woman mayor in the US. In Canada, Naheed Nenshi, a devout Ismaili Muslim of Gujarati descent raised in Alberta, served three terms as mayor of Calgary from 2010 to 2021. In the UK, London has had, since 2016, Sir Sadiq Khan, the British-born son of a Pakistani bus driver and seamstress whose administration has reshaped how a global city understands civic leadership rooted in working-class, legal and multicultural values. The country has also witnessed significant symbolic signposts: Nasim "Nash" Ali, a Bangladeshi-origin Muslim, served as the youngest mayor of Camden in 2003-2004, and as far back as 1938, Dr Chuni Lal Katial, of Punjabi Kashmiri heritage, became Mayor of Finsbury denoting one of the earliest instances of South Asian leadership in Britain. Since 2018, Rokhsana Fiaz has served as the directly elected Mayor of Newham, becoming the first Muslim woman to lead a London borough in that capacity. In May 2023, Lubna Arshad, born in Oxford to Pakistani parents, was sworn in as the city's first Muslim and first woman of colour to hold the ceremonial role of Lord Mayor. In 2024, Mohammed Asaduzzaman in Brighton and Hove, Shahin Ashraf in Solihull, and Syeda Khatun in Sandwell each became the first Muslim mayors in their respective boroughs. In 2025, Rukhsana Ismail became Mayor of Rotherham, bringing a strong background in social justice and charitable work. Such appointments mirror a momentous adjustment in the civic representation of British Muslims, particularly women, and herald a larger societal approval of their leadership in public life. The Netherlands gave the world Ahmed Aboutaleb, a Moroccan, son of an imam, who served as Mayor of Rotterdam from January 2009 to October 2024. A Belgian of Turkish descent, Emir Kir has served since 2012 as Mayor of Saint-Josse-ten-Noode, the smallest and poorest municipality in the Brussels-Capital Region and is the first mayor of non-European origin in the area. Amra Babic made history in October 2012 as mayor of Visoko, Bosnia, becoming the first hijab wearing female mayor in the country and likely all of Europe. Her election winning around 30% of the vote was celebrated as a milestone for religious and gender representation. In Australia, the story is quieter but no less powerful. Seema Abdullah, a Pakistani-origin woman of Bihari ancestry, was elected Mayor of Greater Shepparton in Victoria from October 2019 to 2020. Seema is a wife, a mother, an immigrant, a community worker, an IT expert, a Chevening scholar and LSE alumna. Her trajectory extends confidence to all bright and hardworking people from middle class origins. The word "mayor" comes from the Latin maior, meaning "greater", and once signified civic authority and social stature. In Thomas Hardy's The Mayor of Casterbridge, the role becomes a stage for personal tragedy and public scrutiny. What ties these Muslim mayors together is not their faith alone but it is the act of leading while being visibly 'other' or an "outlier". They may be speculated or criticised for just the token figures for optics. Shaped by struggle and animated by community legitimacy, they challenge elite capture, inexcusable consensus in politics and stereotypical myths about Muslims. Their very presence restores belief in humanity and the celebration of diversity. Like a Hardy protagonist, the mayoralty once a symbol of class, privilege, old money and imperial governance is now undergoing an ethical and representational transformation. It is being redefined by the new chapters in a new civic story written not by expunging the past, but by adding the omitted voices to its present. Today, public figures like Zohran Mamdani earn the role of mayor with new meanings, branded with justice, courage and morality. Their ascent, though limited in number, is metaphorically influential. For Muslim-majority states, it also summons a question: how open and prepared are we for the very inclusion we so often demand, expect, and seek elsewhere?


Listly
25-06-2025
- Listly
7 unforgettable things to do in Tunis – Have a North African holiday to be proud of
Very much the heart and soul of the capital, the UNESCO World Heritage Site of the Medina of Tunis will be an excellent way to get accustomed to the local culture. Featuring a maze of cobbled pathways, tiny alleys, magnificent mosques, well-preserved palaces and an incredible mix of souks, herein lies a classic example of an Arab-Muslim city that has not forgotten its roots, particularly its close ties to the ethnic Berber folk. Commence your travels at Bab El Bahr or 'French Gate' that once operated as the eastern gateway to the Medina prior to exploring the traditional souks from where you can purchase pungent perfumes, attractive textiles and pieces of hand-crafted jewellery. Keep your eyes open for the eye-catching minaret of the Zitouna Mosque and be sure to call by any of the attraction's courtyards where you can catch your breath and contemplate your next move.


Ya Biladi
12-06-2025
- Ya Biladi
Pierre Loti's restored home reopens in France, showcasing his fascination with Morocco
After 13 years of closure due to its deteriorated condition and an extensive restoration, the Maison de Pierre Loti in Rochefort (Charente-Maritime) reopened to the public this June. The 19th-century French travel writer left behind nearly 3,000 objects collected from his journeys around the world, particularly from Morocco, which deeply influenced him. The impact of Arab-Muslim cultures is visible throughout the mansion, from its architectural elements to its interior design. Designated a historical monument in 1990 and labeled a Museum of France in 2002, the house features arches, zellige tiles, a fountain, and even a small mosque. The restoration covered the building's foundations, around twenty rooms, and the numerous objects preserved within, in addition to major structural repairs. «The guiding principle was to create the impression that Pierre Loti had just left the place yesterday», explained Camille Alazet, a decorative painter who restored «a large portion of what is on display», in an interview with ICI. According to Alazet, the project also required extensive research and documentation: «We had to understand how the original decor was created in order to restore it as faithfully as possible». This «colossal project» was supported by €16 million in funding from the city of Rochefort, the regional and departmental authorities, the French state, and the Heritage Foundation. Thirty-four trades contributed to the painstaking restoration, including heritage specialists and skilled craftspeople. In keeping with Pierre Loti's last wishes, the small museum room remains closed to visitors. However, a new surprise awaits—even for returning guests: the restored Chinese Room, now open to the public for the first time. A dedicated interpretation space has also been added to help visitors understand the writer's unique collections. Visits follow a mandatory guided chronological tour, with tickets available via the official website.


Ya Biladi
16-05-2025
- General
- Ya Biladi
Water management, an ancestral expertise in Morocco
DR As ancient as they may be, the civilizations of the Mediterranean have always placed great importance on water. In Persian, Egyptian, Mesopotamian, Amazigh, and Arab-Muslim cultures, this vital resource symbolizes nature, life, and purity. Aman (water) is synonymous with life itself—what the Tuaregs describe as the «possibility of existence». For millennia, beliefs and rituals have elevated water to the status of a guarantor of life on Earth, inseparable from the notion of abundance. As such, it has long been regarded as a communal good, to be managed and distributed equitably to ensure access for all, with close attention to its conservation. While ancient societies pioneered fair water distribution practices, these methods were extended to places like the Iberian Peninsula during the Caliphate era and beyond, eventually earning recognition on UNESCO's Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. After the fall of Granada in 1492, these practices did not disappear; instead, water management became the responsibility of a trusted individual, supported by a council and a water tribunal. This institutionalized model perpetuated a collegial approach rooted in much older traditions. Passed down through generations, these methods ensured the sustainable management of this vital resource, both in water-scarce zones and mountainous regions. Over the centuries, these traditions have combined local customs, ancient techniques, and scientific innovations. In modern-day Morocco, mountainous and oasis regions are known for preserving these ancient practices, particularly in areas with strong agricultural or pastoral traditions. Among them, the Figuig region has played a key economic role, serving as both a supply hub and a stopover point. A crossroads of knowledge and trans-Saharan trade, it even held what has been described as «an urban function in a territory based on complementarity» between oasis life and nomadism. The Figuig region is also known for preserving Neolithic rock engravings attributed to early hunter-pastoralist communities. Once part of the Almohad empire (1121–1269), the region saw the construction of Ksar el Aïn near natural springs. Historical records show that Figuig was home to diverse populations—Amazighs (Zenaga and Zenata), Arabs, Andalusian Moors, and sub-Saharan Africans including Haratins descended from enslaved people—with both Muslim and Jewish communities coexisting. As early as the 12th century, the anonymous author of Kitāb al-istibṣār fī ʿajāib al-amṣār («Reflections on the Wonders of Cities») praised the fertility of the Figuig oasis. Figuig: A Model of Water Management in Oasis Societies In the 14th century, Ibn Khaldūn mentioned Figuig for its date palm cultivation and its role in redistributing products brought by nomads. Around the same time, the oasis became «an essential stop for caravans en route to Gourara and Touat—a hub of exchange for the whole region», note Youness Khalloufi and Agnès Charpentier in their article «Figuig and Its Region in the Imagination of the French Military in the Mid-19th Century» (Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Méditerranée, 2021). Figuig also features in the writings of Leo Africanus and Thomas Shaw. However, as Khalloufi and Charpentier point out, «colonial expansion stripped Figuig of its commercial role at the beginning of the 20th century and contributed to the oasis's isolation». In the collective work «The Sharing of Water (Spain, Portugal, Morocco)» (2006), historian and archaeologist Tariq Madani dedicated a chapter to «Water Sharing in the Figuig Oasis», analyzing it through the lens of both his disciplines. He describes the city and its ksour as «a characteristic example of human adaptability to the severe constraints imposed by the arid Maghreb desert environment». Recognized as a Globally Important Agricultural Heritage System (GIAHS) by the FAO in 2022, the ksour of Figuig illustrate the sustainability of ancient economic models in which water was indispensable. This environment blended agriculture, trade, craftsmanship, religious, cultural, and academic functions. «During droughts, displaced nomads camped around the oasis and offered their labor to the ksourians. In times of abundance, nomads turned Figuig's ksour into storehouses (Makhzen) for their goods—animals, wool, clarified butter, hides, and horns», notes the FAO's registration dossier. This model of mutual environmental stewardship helped preserve the oasis, including its sophisticated irrigation system and architecture shaped by sociocultural norms. The dossier emphasizes that «each ksar is a distinct community that remained autonomous for a long time», each having its own palm grove subdivided into small terraced plots. «Each ksar manages its own water sources via a canal network overseen by mechanisms such as water bailiffs and irrigators' councils. Internally, a dense institutional network of groups and associations (jmâa, irrigators' associations, gardeners, landowners...) governs these systems independently of municipal politics», it continues. Figuig's oasis society has developed «an ingenious model of water allocation and distribution tailored to local conditions». Known locally as khettara or foggara, this system differs from those used elsewhere. Here, it doesn't tap into deep underground water but instead channels artesian spring water emerging from confined aquifers. In fact, the founding of each ksar was directly linked to access to these water sources. According to traditional organization, «the mobilization and upkeep of irrigation works, as well as the distribution methods, rights accounting, and conflict resolution, all fall under customary law». The related «knowledge, techniques, and irrigation practices are central to the region's cultural and technical heritage». In practice, water is distributed in time units measured directly at the source through the canal network. These units can be converted to volume when water is stored in a communal reservoir. The deliverable amount depends on the measured water level, with each time unit corresponding to a specific volume in square meters. Water management and dispute resolution are entrusted to a consultative village body, the jmâa, composed of elders from each lineage. This council also oversees the maintenance of the foggara and the main irrigation canals, which are a collective responsibility. The upkeep of secondary canals falls to the landowners whose plots they traverse. Water rights can be rented, bought, or exchanged on the local market. Foggaras are designed to feed the séguia—a branching system of canals delivering water to each garden by gravity. These networks are adapted to the terrain and are managed by a ksar, lineage, or family. «Each social group maintains its own network», with some sections separated by small bridges to avoid mixing water from different rights holders. Another key feature of water sharing is that access is tied to participation in digging the foggara or military efforts. In other words, «individuals receive water on a rotating basis», measured in units called kharrouba, equivalent to a 45-minute turn. This water right is considered property and may be transferred, rented, or sold. Khettaras: A Millennia-Old Technology from the East to North Africa Beyond Figuig, the first widespread draining networks of khettaras in Morocco are believed to have been introduced by the Almohads in the early 12th century. In Marrakech, the system gained popularity around 1106 through Oubeid Allah Ibn Youssef, originally from Al-Andalus. As the Almohad Empire expanded across North Africa and into Iberia, it brought with it architectural and institutional innovations, including water distribution systems that became central to governance. This technology draws on ancient models, particularly from Persia, where qanats were developed 3,000 years ago. The organization L'eau du désert notes that these systems date back to «ancient antiquity», with references in Herodotus (5th century BC) and detailed descriptions in Polybius (3rd–2nd centuries BC). Meanwhile, in North Africa, historical sources mention a similar system independently developed by the Amazigh. Although names vary—qanats, khettaras, foggara—the core principle remains the same: conserving and transporting water in arid zones. This technology spread to Pakistan, Afghanistan, Oman, Yemen, Syria, China, and Spain. In Marrakech, the system involved capturing both underground and rainwater through gently sloping galleries that followed the natural terrain, helping to recharge the aquifer. Though often overgrown with vegetation, these khettaras enabled efficient water conservation by channeling mountain runoff from the Atlas foothills. Thanks to this technology, the ochre city of Marrakech, along with its palm groves, olive orchards, and gardens, was supplied with water for centuries—until modern challenges such as drought, intensive agriculture, and evolving uses transformed the mapping of this system. Nowadays, the few remaining khettarat in the region are used in certain rural areas, embodying an ecological dimension in ancestral practices.