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The Diplomat
30-06-2025
- Politics
- The Diplomat
Retreating Is Not Safety: How Cambodia Drives Women Out of Civic Spaces
In Cambodia, survivors of digital violence are increasingly disengaging from digital platforms or stepping down from leadership in women-led organizations. This retreat from civic space is not a side effect; it is the intended result of technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV) against women journalists and human rights defenders. Treating this 'exit from civic space' as a form of safety only reinforces its strategy. This is the key finding in Asia Centre's baseline study, 'Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence in Cambodia: Impact on the Civic Freedoms of Women Journalists and Human Rights Defenders.' Published on May 20, 2025, the 35-page report incorporated, on the condition of anonymity, the views of 12 women engaged in public advocacy. It sheds light on patriarchal social structures in Cambodia that collectively contribute to the persistence of TFGBV in the country. The alarming shift in the Cambodian digital sphere, where visibility has become a vulnerability, points to the urgent need for policymakers, civil society, and the public to take remedial action. The severity of TFGBV in the country surpasses the ability of Cambodian legal frameworks to address the fast-evolving nature of digital violence. One informant shared that women in general are reluctant to report such incidents to justice institutions, because 'many interviews (with authorities) contain victim-blaming… discouraging survivors from coming forward.' With Cambodia ranking 141st out of 142 countries in World Justice Project's 2023 Rule of Law Index, it points to a loss of faith in the justice system, especially when it comes to the protection of women facing online harms. Hence, retreating from the public sphere has become the only remaining exit to safety for women engaged in advocacy. As such, in Cambodia, TFGBV methodically dismantles women's participation in public discourse, sowing fear in the back of their minds, 'affecting [their] confidence and [making] reporting (such incidents to authorities) much more stressful.' But the psychological harm inflicted on TFGBV survivors is not limited to personal concerns. Their systemic silencing paves the way for a culture of impunity, where public accountability wanes, investigative journalism suffers, and the truth becomes increasingly difficult to reach. In fact, the whole of Cambodian society self-censors 'difficult' issues, resulting in online harassment faced by women left largely unspoken. In Cambodia, the defensive response of withdrawing from the public sphere only concedes power to the perpetrator, further entrenching structural inequality. To protect the right to participate, survivor-centered strategies must become the reality. That means developing legal frameworks that go beyond punishment by also providing meaningful protection and digital resilience. Law enforcement, civil society, tech companies, and media must be equipped to respond not just to the violence that has already occurred, but to the new threats on the horizon. Considering the current prevalence of TFGBV in Cambodia, the region needs to be on the lookout for the growing role of AI in amplifying the issue. The risk is not limited to bots or misinformation. As a 2023 UNESCO report noted, it's also about enhanced surveillance of women's online activity, highly realistic deepfakes, and simulated harassment campaigns designed to discredit, deceive, and destroy. Survivors cannot face these evolving harms alone, and they shouldn't have to. Collective action is urgent, but it won't happen unless the right solutions are put in place. For starters, the Cambodian government needs to introduce targeted legislation that defines, criminalizes, and addresses TFGBV, drawing from international standards. These laws must be enforceable and prevented from misuse. Law enforcement officers and judges need training that bridges gender justice with digital literacy. Civil society must be resourced not only to support survivors but to keep pressure on policymakers. And technology companies that are unregulated or diluting fact-checking must be held accountable for content moderation in local contexts, with real transparency around post takedowns and complaints. That is why more evidence-based research on emerging TFGBV trends in the region and beyond is crucial. Regular capacity-building across all sectors – from judges and police officers to teachers and journalists is also needed. Awareness is the first defense, but it must be backed by legal protections, support mechanisms, and digital literacy tools that equip survivors and potential targets to respond. Even deeper than this, cultural narratives must be reframed. In a society where power imbalances are masked as 'cultural harmony,' women using digital tools to amplify their voices are not seen as participants in public discourse but as disruptors. As a representative of a female-led organization said, 'Any mistake that happens, we tend to receive a lot of attacks without any specific evidence.' With these norms framing civic expression, digital tools are distorted into weapons of punishment. As long as public morality is a shield for gender control, laws alone will fail. Cambodia must shift from tolerating online misogyny to a zero-tolerance standard, where the cost of digital violence is borne by the perpetrator, not the survivor. Safety cannot be granted through silence. The true value of any digital society is whether women can speak, lead, and exist online without being punished for it. If 'exit from civic space' becomes the only protection available, then TFGBV has already won. The future demands that we remain vigilant and act together, not react alone. This op-ed is based on Asia Centre's report, 'Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence in Cambodia: Impact on the Civic Freedoms of Women Journalists and Human Rights Defenders' Download the full report here. For more information about the Asia Centre, visit
Independent Singapore
25-04-2025
- Politics
- Independent Singapore
James Gomez: The academic, activist, and opposition voice contesting Sembawang GRC in GE2025
SINGAPORE: As Singapore gears up for the General Election 2025, the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) is fielding seasoned academic and civil society veteran Dr James Gomez in the Sembawang Group Representation Constituency (GRC). With more than two decades of experience in human rights research, regional advocacy, and democratic reform, Dr Gomez's campaign is rooted in one unwavering message: Singapore needs a more credible opposition. Early life and education Born on Jan 10, 1965, in Singapore, James Gomez's educational journey began at Serangoon Secondary School and Nanyang Junior College. He later pursued a Bachelor of Science in Political Science at the National University of Singapore (NUS) and furthered his academic pursuit with a Master of Arts in Politics and Human Rights from the University of Essex, UK. He holds a PhD in Political Science from Monash University, Australia, making him one of the more academically credentialed candidates in this election. Academic and professional career Dr Gomez currently serves as the Regional Director of Asia Centre, a civil society think tank with special consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council. Based in Bangkok and Kuala Lumpur, Asia Centre operates at the intersection of policy research, governance, and civic engagement across Southeast Asia. Gomez's work focuses specifically on how emerging technologies—from social media to surveillance—are reshaping political participation, civil liberties, and governance. He has led multiple research initiatives evaluating the effectiveness of national and regional human rights mechanisms, such as: National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs): Assessing their independence and ability to hold governments accountable. Universal Periodic Review (UPR): Tracking whether ASEAN states implement recommendations from the UN Human Rights Council. ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR): Critiquing its lack of enforcement and calling for meaningful reform. As part of this work, Gomez collaborates with academic institutions, intergovernmental bodies, and civil society groups, helping shape policy discourse on democracy and human rights in the digital age. Civil society leadership In 2010, Gomez co-founded Singaporeans for Democracy (SfD)—a non-partisan civil society organization aimed at pushing for political reform and greater democratic space within Singapore. SfD organized high-impact events like the Freedom Film Festival and advocated for reforms, including: Election transparency Freedom of expression and assembly Abolishing the race column in NRICs Despite its contributions, SfD was classified as a political association under Singapore's regulatory framework and eventually dissolved in 2012, citing restrictions that stifled its advocacy efforts. This dissolution was itself a form of protest meant to draw attention to the legal constraints placed on political discourse in Singapore. Political journey: From Aljunied to Sembawang Dr Gomez's political career began with the Workers' Party (WP) in the 2001 General Election, where he attempted to contest Aljunied GRC but was disqualified due to paperwork issues. He contested Aljunied again under WP in 2006 but was unsuccessful. In 2010, Gomez joined the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP). He contested Sembawang GRC in 2011 and Holland-Bukit Timah GRC in 2020. Although not elected, Gomez remained a consistent voice for democratic accountability and civil liberties. Now, in GE2025, Gomez returns to Sembawang GRC with the SDP, backed by a team that includes Bryan Lim, Surayah Akbar, Damanhuri Abas, and Alfred Tan. The GRC will see a three-cornered fight between the PAP, SDP, and NSP. Message to voters: Time for a credible opposition Dr Gomez's message to the people of Sembawang — and Singapore at large — is clear: 'We need a more credible opposition in Parliament, not just for the sake of checks and balances but to ensure real policies serve people, not just party interests.' He speaks passionately about the rising cost of living, shrinking space for public discourse, and the urgent need for political reform. His candidacy offers Singaporeans the rare combination of academic rigor, regional policy expertise, and grassroots activism. Why Gomez matters In a political landscape often criticized for a lack of diversity in thought, James Gomez brings a deep understanding of governance, a critical eye for civil liberties, and a proven track record of standing up for democratic values. For voters in Sembawang looking beyond token opposition and seeking a candidate who understands both policy and people, Dr James Gomez may very well be that credible alternative Singapore's Parliament needs. Follow The Independent for more in-depth election coverage, candidate profiles, and ground reports as GE2025 unfolds.
