Latest news with #AssadRegime
Arab News
11 hours ago
- Politics
- Arab News
Damascus between the Druze, Alawites and Kurds
It is true that Bashar Assad left the palace on the evening of Saturday, Dec. 7, and that Ahmad Al-Sharaa entered it the next day without a single shot being fired in the capital. This is a rare occurrence in history. Even so, the road ahead for the new leadership is neither paved nor smooth. The road to change from Idlib to Damascus was open because most Syrians — as well as regional and global actors — truly wanted change. But the actual uprooting of the Assad regime was a long and bloody process — perhaps one of the most complex transitions in the region. From this standpoint, we must interpret the current events within this context, rather than as a mere 'moment of victory.' Optimism, enthusiasm and widespread support did not prevent political unrest: confrontations on the coast with Alawites, the bombing of a Christian church in Damascus and disputes with the Druze of Sweida and with the Syrian Democratic Forces in Raqqa. The crises that have already occurred — and those that may still come — are expected. The domestic consensus to remove Assad means the alternative system will need time to build trust. There is also a troubled regional environment, with actors harmed by the transition who will need time to test the waters, accept the new reality and choose to cooperate. Amid these local confrontations, two dangerous factions threaten the new order. The first includes actors that are overtly hostile — such as remnants of the old regime, forces in Iran and local gangs like drug cartels. The domestic consensus to remove Assad means the alternative system will need time to build trust Abdulrahman Al-Rashed These groups will repeatedly try to create a confrontational climate that escalates over time. They aim to shrink Syria, entangle Damascus in a prolonged battle and encourage the emergence of independent regions. The second faction comes from within the system — or considers itself part of it — and plays a role in fueling crises. It has its own views on how the country should be governed and how it should engage with the world. Though loyal, this faction is no less dangerous than the hostile one, because it ignites conflicts and deepens divisions. Its threat lies in dragging the Syrian authority into a confrontation with the regional order and inviting foreign powers to invest in a local civil war. These traps require wisdom in handling so that they do not distract the government from its most difficult task: building a new state that most Syrians are waiting for — one that improves living standards and transitions into a modern nation. Al-Sharaa has domestic popularity that he must strengthen, lest it erode under the weight of looming challenges — most notably, bread shortages, inflation, low wages and delays in foreign aid. These are challenges unrelated to Iran or the regime's remnants. They are compounded by the need to extinguish growing social strife, which risks becoming a civil war. Those engaged in this strife — whether in the name of freedoms or defending (or opposing) the regime — are stoking tensions among Syria's deeply anxious and mistrustful communities. The international community wants a civil state that manages a disciplined security and military apparatus. The new Damascus government needs time to organize itself and win over Syria's diverse groups. Let us remember that Hafez Assad, while presenting himself as a protector of minorities, placed Abdul Halim Khaddam and Mustafa Tlass at his right and left. There are also forces in the region that have failed to establish extremist regimes — and now want Syria to become another Gaza or Afghanistan. The new Damascus government needs time to organize itself and win over Syria's diverse groups Abdulrahman Al-Rashed Upon entering the capital, Al-Sharaa immediately announced his openness to all, stressing that his concern is Syrian — not international. He displayed a moderation that surprised many and he has managed his relationships pragmatically, consistent with his promises. That is why Syria will not follow the Iranian model — which is now nearing its end — nor should it fight on behalf of others, whether against Israel or Iran. Nor should it allow others to bring their wars onto Syrian soil. Amid these ethnic, sectarian and regional tensions, the road will remain difficult. The government has inherited a devastated country violated by both domestic and foreign forces. Fixing it will require political skill — not brute force — and a sixth sense that can anticipate crises and contain them.
The National
2 days ago
- Politics
- The National
Syria's Druze count the toll of another deadly episode in long struggle for survival
The once invincible Sweida in southern Syria, the epicentre of a revolt against French colonial rule, was counting its dead on Monday after a week of fighting that left its mostly Druze inhabitants bowed, but not defeated. A ceasefire appeared to hold as Monday was the first day without clashes in a week. Authorities were moving Bedouin civilians out, but aid convoys were still to enter. Local branches of the Health Ministry sent teams to count the dead and take bodies to hospitals, where mortuaries were full after three waves of incursions by government forces and auxiliaries in the past week. Last year, Sweida was a centre of a non-violent uprising against the Assad regime when peaceful protest in Syria had long been crushed. The Druze are an offshoot of Islam, whose history is defined by struggles for survival. US diplomatic pressure on Syrian authorities, and Israeli raids, halted the offensive on Sunday. However the area, comprising the heartland of the ancient sect, remains under siege by the central authorities. Damascus said Druze militias killed hundreds of Sunnis in Sweida during the clashes in the provincial capital, which were sparked by sectarian abductions. Khaldoun, a Druze surgeon at the main Sweida National Hospital, told The National Syrian military and Interior Ministry forces who arrived in the city last week 'supposedly to stop clashes and spread security, turned out to be monsters.' Women were among dead, felled by snipers and other government triggermen. Dr Khaldoun said 'medical teams were shot dead while trying to save people.' He said at least the bodies of 500 people have been brought to the hospital or died while receiving treatment there since government attacks on Sweida began. Jiryes al Ishaq, a Christian who lived on a farmland on the western outskirts of Sweida, said he fled the government advance to the Greek Orthodox parish in the centre of the city. 'Pillage has been widespread but I don't know what happened to my land,' he said. 'We are provided for at the parish, because the authorities have vowed not to harm [the compound], but the rest of the city is devastated,' he said, pointing out unconfirmed reports that government militants had killed a Christian family of a dozen members in Sweida. The government had said during the offensive that killings would result in prosecutions. Fighting in Sweida - in pictures Sweida, with its basalt rock landscape, is home to 270,000 Druze who comprise most members of the sect left in Syria after waves of migration, particularly during the 2011 to 2024 civil war. There are an estimated one million Druze worldwide, mainly in Syria, Lebanon, Israel and a diaspora in Latin America. From 1925 to 1927, the Druze, led by Sultan Basha Al Atrash, mounted a revolt against French rule. The revolt failed but it was instrumental in projecting the image of the Druze as being Syrians first in a predominantly Sunni country. Sultan Al Atrash became a figure in the narrative of Arab nationalists across the Middle East. Bedouin tribes, some of whom have been attacking Sweida, had joined him in the revolt. Sunni merchants in Damascus, who later supported former leader Bashar Al Assad and the post Assad order, financed the Druze armed struggle against the French as thousands of Druze fighters were killed with superior French firepower. Sultan Al Atrash died in 1982. However, one of his daughters, Muntaha, led peaceful resistance in Sweida when the March 2011 protest movement broke out. In the last 15 months of Mr Al Assad's rule, Sweida renewed the civil disobedience movement demanding the removal of the regime. Among its leaders was Sheikh Hikmat Al Hijri, the most senior of a triumvirate comprising the Druze spiritual leadership. Suhail Tebian, a prominent Druze civil figure who had opposed an increased arming of the Druze under Mr Al Hijri since the regime fell, said the community has had no choice but to resist government forces comprising religious extremists, although the cost has been high. 'Sweida has become a disaster zone,' Mr Thebian said. There is nothing more I can tell you. I have survived, for now'. Mr Al Hijri resisted attempts by the new authorities – formerly Hayat Tahrir Al Sham – to control Sweida, saying that new security forces should be drawn from residents of the province. He labelled the government as extremists and undemocratic, pointing out the lack of any independent branches in the new political system. So, when clashes began in Sweida last week between Druze and Sunni residents of Bedouin origins, Mr Al Hijri refused government security forces in the city. This set the scene for a week of incursions in which the government recruited rural Sunnis on its side, from Sweida and nearby Deraa. The authorities also taken by bus in more Sunnis, this time Bedouin, from the province of Deir Ezzor, in the eastern fringes of Syria, and from the governorate of Aleppo. But even Druze who have been critical of Mr Al Hijri's handling of the crisis said the blood shed by the government forces and its auxiliaries have robbed it of credibility. 'They have cut the internet to make it difficult to know and document the size of the atrocities they committed,' said Nawaf, another Druze doctor. An engineer in Sweida said the city and nearby villages 'have been devastated'. 'We can't even reach them,' he said. 'Bodies are still lying in open fields. There is no [transport] vehicles. No gasoline. I went to see the [main] hospital, it can't receive anyone. It is out of service.'
France 24
6 days ago
- Politics
- France 24
Damascus on the back foot: what next for Syria after Sharaa's Sweida setback?
43:24 From the show The world couldn't believe it last December, when Syria's Assad regime, after decades of iron-fisted rule, suddenly fell like a house of cards. The speed of that collapse exposed how the state had been hollowed out on the quiet. Eight months on, how weak does Syria remain?The government forces of Ahmed al-Sharaa pulling out from the Druze-majority city of Sweida after bombardment from neighboring Israel and pressure from a United States that's only just recently offered Damascus a lifeline through the lifting of years-old crippling sanctions. What just happened in Sweida, what with reports of summary executions of civilians and how other minorities like the Kurds and the Alawites will view the bloodbath, and why the climb down by Damascus? Looming large, Israel with its own Druze community and its own agenda for perennial foes Syria, Lebanon and Gaza. Is war the only way for a nation that's occupied the Golan Heights since 1967 and which for now enjoys a clear military supremacy over its neighbors? Produced by Rebecca Gnignati, Elisa Amiri, Ilayda Habip.
The National
16-07-2025
- Politics
- The National
Who are the Druze and why are they being targeted in Syria?
Clashes between Druze fighters and pro-government forces in Syria have intensified into a violent urban assault, leaving scores dead, in some of the worst fighting involving the religious minority. Backed by tribal militias and extremist factions, the assault in mid-July quickly turned from a Syrian 'security operation' into a street battle in which military personnel and civilians have lost their lives. As hostilities mount, the spotlight has returned to the secretive, scattered minority that was once regarded as safe from crackdowns by the former Assad regime. Here is a closer look at the Druze minority: Who are the Druze? The Druze are a small religious sect that emerged from a branch of Islam in the 11th century. Their faith blends elements of Islam with ancient traditions. It is a closed faith − you can only be born Druze as people are not allowed to convert to or from the religion − and reincarnation is central to their beliefs. According to set leaders, they have kept their faith closed and secretive to protect its spiritual core, preserve unity, and guard against external interference. Despite the small size of their community, the Druze have figured prominently in Middle Eastern history. They have served as kingmakers, military leaders, and political mediators. Where do they live? About one million Druze live across the Middle East, mainly in Syria, Lebanon, Jordan and Israel. In Syria, the largest Druze population is based in the southern province of Suweida, as well as in certain Damascus suburbs such as Jaramana and Sahnaya. Their numbers in Syria are estimated at about 700,000. In Lebanon, the community, about 300,000, is concentrated in the Chouf mountains and parts of Mount Lebanon. Though they make up less than 10 per cent of the population, their influence far outweighs their numbers. About 150,000 live in Israel, particularly in the north and in the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights. A smaller community also exists in Jordan, mostly near the Syrian border. What has happened in Syria? Tension erupted in Syria in April after a manipulated recording falsely claimed a Druze cleric had insulted Islam. The fake triggered sectarian violence, with Sunni militants attacking Druze towns near Damascus. Dozens were killed in the unrest. In a significant move, Israel launched air strikes near the Syrian presidential palace in Damascus, warning the Syrian regime not to harm the Druze minority. Syrian Druze spiritual leader Sheikh Hikmat Al Hijri condemned a 'genocidal campaign' against his people and called for 'international forces to maintain peace". Parts of Sweida, the sect's ancestral home, also came under assault from gunmen in nearby Deraa, in the biggest threat to the ancient minority since Hayat Tahrir Al Sham took power last year. A new round of fighting began this month after clashes involving Druze militiamen and Bedouin tribes escalated, resulting in a Syrian government offensive in Sweida. Israel intervened again, striking the city and military headquarters in Damascus. What does Israel want? Within Israel, Druze citizens are subject to mandatory military service. As a result, maintaining a strong relationship with the Druze community has been a priority for Israeli governments. In the Golan Heights, most Druze have retained Syrian citizenship and publicly reject the Israeli occupation. Last year, a projectile hit a football pitch in the town of Majdal Shams in the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, killing 12 children and young people amid a devastating war between Israel and Hezbollah. Israel said Hezbollah launched the attack, but the Lebanese group denied responsibility. Israel's leaders have sought to embrace the Druze since the attack, but have been met with a mixed response. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was met by chants of "murderer" during his visit, while far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, was surrounded by angry locals when he arrived in the area. How have they been treated under Assad? Syria's Druze community has long tried to stay neutral in the country's civil war, avoiding open rebellion while maintaining local autonomy, especially in Suweida and the suburbs of Damascus. But that balance was not sustainable. The state offered little protection during sectarian violence, and resentment deepened over economic neglect and the presence of Iran-backed militias near Druze areas. Why does the Druze community matter politically? Despite their small numbers, the Druze are politically significant across the Middle East. In Israel, they are embedded in state institutions, yet increasingly vocal about inequality. In Syria, Druze communities are strategically positioned in the south near the borders with Jordan and Israel. In Lebanon, they play kingmaker roles in coalition politics. Druze leaders often tip the balance between rival blocs, especially during government formation or presidential elections. Walid Jumblatt, the long-time Druze leader, has kept his group politically relevant even as other sects outnumber them.
The National
15-07-2025
- Politics
- The National
Syria's wildfires show the urgent need for a regional conversation on climate change
In the years leading up to Syria's revolution, in 2011, more than a million people in the Syrian countryside had fled to its cities as a result of climate-induced drought, creating dual crises in the agricultural sector and the cost of living. How much this contributed to the revolution and the ensuing 14-year civil war remains a subject of considerable debate. Syrians had many reasons to rise up against the Assad regime, which maintained power for decades through systematic oppression and mass torture. But there is little doubt that the drought had exacerbated an already-combustible situation. Syria's new government is proving to be entirely different from its predecessor. Its leader, Ahmed Al Sharaa, speaks of a tolerant and inclusive new chapter, and his popularity shows most Syrians believe him. But wholesale political change does not make the country's environmental problems – nor their consequences for stability – go away, as evidenced by a series of wildfires that ravaged Syria's coastal forests last week. Thanks to the dedication of the local civil defence workers and volunteers, the fires were contained in 10 days. But, as several of them told The National, the task was arduous – made harder by the sorry state of the country's post-war infrastructure and the presence of landmines in the area. Wildfires are becoming a perennial problem for Syrian authorities, worsened by the persistence of drought. The current drought, ongoing since 2021, is even worse than the one in the late 2000s. In the absence of sufficient rainfall, wheat production has declined, this year meeting less than 20 per cent of national demand. Bread prices, as a result, have soared. The lack of rainfall has also contributed to a water crisis in Damascus, the Syrian capital, where authorities have urged residents to reduce consumption. At the same time, the country's authorities are struggling to keep a tight lid on sectarian violence. Clashes last weekend between rival factions in the southern city of Sweida left 30 people dead. Since March, violence in the south as well as the north-west has killed more than 1,000 people. The overall level of danger remains a far cry from the civil war years, but one of the chief lessons of that period is that any emergent combination of deadly violence, environmental crisis and economic strain should not be ignored. Wholesale political change does not make the country's environmental problems go away Syria's regional neighbours have pledged to do much to help its fledgling government stabilise the country – in terms of infrastructure, investment and, where needed, diplomatic support. Co-operation should be expanded more vigorously to the realm of the environment. Some countries, like Iraq and Turkey, sent support to battle the recent wildfires but there is a need to act more firmly to confront desertification and all aspects of climate change. The governments of the Middle East, to be sure, have many other issues to contend with just now. But climate change and its consequences do not wait for wars to wind down or political disputes to be resolved. Co-ordination in this area could be an avenue for building trust and strengthening ties, rather than something to be explored when it is already too late. Syria's crisis is particularly acute, but it is not unique to that country. Across much of the Arab world, droughts, wildfires and other environmental threats are proliferating. With them comes a greater risk of volatility. Conversations about how to deal with these issues together should be included in efforts to resolve the region's other challenges, and the time to have them is now.
