Latest news with #Australia-ChinaRelationsInstitute
Perth Now
a day ago
- Politics
- Perth Now
PM's China stance hailed by Taiwan despite criticisms
Anthony Albanese's balancing act to boost economic ties with China while remaining firm on Australia's opposition to its aggression has been welcomed at home and abroad. The prime minister held top-level meetings with Chinese leaders in Beijing, telling President Xi Jinping that Australia continued to support no unilateral change to the status quo regarding Taiwan. Taiwan's representative in Australia Douglas Hsu embraced Mr Albanese's statement and urged the international community to take stock of China's actions. "China's actions, from the Taiwan Strait to the South China Sea and even the Tasman Sea, show a clear pattern of military adventurism and aggression," he told AAP. "The threat is real and Taiwan urges the world not to ignore it." Mr Albanese said Mr Xi didn't raise reports the United States had asked Australia and Japan to commit to supporting it in any conflict with China over Taiwan. Mr Hsu said each nation would make its own sovereign decision on whether to join a regional crisis but Taiwan was focused on strengthening its own defences. "While we welcome international support from countries like Australia on Taiwan's peace and stability, Taiwan is committed to defending itself through strengthening its own defensive capabilities and resilience," he said. "We are determined to defend our thriving democracy." The federal opposition both welcomed the dialogue and trading ties with China but criticised the length of the trip and accused the prime minister of not receiving more ironclad security commitments from Beijing. Coalition frontbencher James Paterson suggested parts of the prime minister's itinerary - which included visiting pandas - looked 'a little bit indulgent' when there was so much at stake in Australia's international relationships. Opposition defence spokesman Angus Taylor also called for Australia to have a joint commitment to Taiwanese security with the US. But his comments were walked back by Opposition Leader Sussan Ley who said the coalition's position on Taiwan remained no unilateral change to the status quo, which is in line with a longstanding bipartisan position. Coalition frontbenchers also continued to heap pressure on the prime minister to deepen ties with Washington, remaining critical of Mr Albanese for not having met President Donald Trump face-to-face. A scheduled meeting on the sidelines of June's G7 meeting in Canada was cancelled at the last minute after the president abruptly left the summit to deal with escalating tensions between Israel and Iran. Australia-China Relations Institute deputy director Wanning Sun said Mr Albanese's visit was pragmatic as Mr Trump's schedule was out of his control but travelling to China for annual leader-level talks to stabilise the relationship with Australia's greatest trading partner wasn't. Institute researcher Elena Collinson added the prime minister's trip underlined Australia's ability to act in its own interest rather than being tethered to the US despite the trip's timing before a meeting with Mr Trump being "more circumstantial than calculated".
The Advertiser
2 days ago
- Business
- The Advertiser
What Albanese's visit reveals about China relations in a turbulent world
The Albanese government has faced an increasingly uncertain world since its re-election in May. US President Donald Trump has cast a long shadow over the Australia-US alliance, raising fresh questions about Canberra's long-term regional strategy. Against this backdrop, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese's approach to foreign policy is reflecting a careful recalibration - one that seeks to balance security partnerships with the pursuit of economic opportunities, especially with Australia's largest trading partner, China. Albanese has wrapped up a six-day visit to China which was characterised by a highly pragmatic approach to dealing with the problems and irritants in the bilateral relationship. Albanese's visit to Beijing, Shanghai and Chengdu - cities emblematic of Australia's political, economic and cultural connections with China - was more than symbolic. It was a high-profile diplomatic venture, with Albanese meeting both the Chinese President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Qiang. But it was more than a leaders' summit. A large team of key business leaders in banking, manufacturing, mining and education were on the trip to meet their Chinese counterparts and seek more cooperation. Economic engagement dominated the visit. As Albanese highlighted before his trip, "my priority is jobs". Broader partnerships spanning multiple sectors, including healthcare, education and green energy, were canvassed. The two nations also explored closer cooperation on energy transition and climate change. Chinese Ambassador to Australia Xiao Qian has even floated a collaboration on artificial intelligence. However, the suggestion has been met with caution in Canberra due to ongoing concerns around national security and data governance. Beyond trade and investment, the visit also marked an effort to rebuild people-to-people exchanges. Since last year, Australian citizens have been able to visit China for up to 30 days without a visa. In turn, Australia will welcome more Chinese visitors under a new Memorandum of Understanding promoting Australia as a premier tourist destination for Chinese travellers. Albanese's meetings with Xi Jinping and Li Qiang also yielded concrete results. The official joint statement emphasised economic cooperation, particularly in climate-related areas such as steel decarbonisation, dryland farming and the green economy. These outcomes align with the Albanese government's guiding principle: cooperate where we can. The deeper economic cooperation has been noted in China, where there is an expectation collaboration will continue to accelerate on the back of improved relations. As James Laurenceson of the Australia-China Relations Institute recently noted, a stronger economic partnership will help foster more resilient ties across the board. Other analysts also see increased mutual benefits in the bilateral relationship. China-watcher James Curran suggests the visit may signal a maturing, more independent Australian foreign policy. The primary role of Australian statecraft is to do everything we possibly can to avoid a conflict. To avoid ever getting close to a decision about following the Americans into a war of that kind. This was best illustrated by Albanese's refusal to provide Washington with a wide-ranging and largely open-ended commitment to support the US in any conflict with China over Taiwan. Indeed, as Curran observes, Albanese has tried to steer the relationship away from disagreement and towards pragmatic engagement. Following his meeting with Xi, Albanese was repeatedly asked by Australian journalists if he raised sensitive issues such as Taiwan, China's military build-up and the South China Sea. While he confirmed these topics were addressed, he emphasised a preference for peaceful engagement: [...] we want peace and security in the region. That is in the interest of both Australia and in the interest of China. Unsurprisingly, the joint statement made no reference to these issues, reflecting a mutual decision to sidestep confrontation in favour of stabilising the relationship. This diplomatic posture toward China would appear to be a defining feature of the Albanese government's second term: strengthening cooperation while quietly managing differences. Rather than highlighting points of contention, the government is opting to avoid open disagreement where possible. Overt disputes risk destabilising bilateral ties. If issues are raised publicly, it is unlikely to shift entrenched positions on either side. This explains why the ownership of the Port of Darwin, for example, was not mentioned during Albanese's meeting with Xi. Critics, however, argue this risks projecting weakness towards China. Justin Bassi, executive director of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, warns the government is staying silent in the face of ongoing Chinese coercion: Australia is only complying with China's desires when the government says nothing and leaves the public to trust that the threats posed by China are all being dealt with in the classified realm. This is not viable policy. Australia's sovereignty must not be contingent on Beijing's preferences. Even within China, analysts are cautious about Albanese's approach. As one Chinese scholar told us, "a stable relationship does not necessarily mean a friendly one". In fact, while the Chinese media has stressed Australia and China's shared commitment to regional stability, this was barely mentioned in the official joint statement. Still, there is recognition on both sides that pragmatism rather than ideological grandstanding is the more sustainable path forward. In sum, Albanese's visit does not mark a dramatic reset or bold new direction in Australia-China relations. Rather, it signals a shift toward greater realism. In an increasingly complex and multipolar world, diplomacy grounded in mutual interests, rather than ideology, is not just practical, but may be a growing trend across the globe. The Albanese government has faced an increasingly uncertain world since its re-election in May. US President Donald Trump has cast a long shadow over the Australia-US alliance, raising fresh questions about Canberra's long-term regional strategy. Against this backdrop, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese's approach to foreign policy is reflecting a careful recalibration - one that seeks to balance security partnerships with the pursuit of economic opportunities, especially with Australia's largest trading partner, China. Albanese has wrapped up a six-day visit to China which was characterised by a highly pragmatic approach to dealing with the problems and irritants in the bilateral relationship. Albanese's visit to Beijing, Shanghai and Chengdu - cities emblematic of Australia's political, economic and cultural connections with China - was more than symbolic. It was a high-profile diplomatic venture, with Albanese meeting both the Chinese President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Qiang. But it was more than a leaders' summit. A large team of key business leaders in banking, manufacturing, mining and education were on the trip to meet their Chinese counterparts and seek more cooperation. Economic engagement dominated the visit. As Albanese highlighted before his trip, "my priority is jobs". Broader partnerships spanning multiple sectors, including healthcare, education and green energy, were canvassed. The two nations also explored closer cooperation on energy transition and climate change. Chinese Ambassador to Australia Xiao Qian has even floated a collaboration on artificial intelligence. However, the suggestion has been met with caution in Canberra due to ongoing concerns around national security and data governance. Beyond trade and investment, the visit also marked an effort to rebuild people-to-people exchanges. Since last year, Australian citizens have been able to visit China for up to 30 days without a visa. In turn, Australia will welcome more Chinese visitors under a new Memorandum of Understanding promoting Australia as a premier tourist destination for Chinese travellers. Albanese's meetings with Xi Jinping and Li Qiang also yielded concrete results. The official joint statement emphasised economic cooperation, particularly in climate-related areas such as steel decarbonisation, dryland farming and the green economy. These outcomes align with the Albanese government's guiding principle: cooperate where we can. The deeper economic cooperation has been noted in China, where there is an expectation collaboration will continue to accelerate on the back of improved relations. As James Laurenceson of the Australia-China Relations Institute recently noted, a stronger economic partnership will help foster more resilient ties across the board. Other analysts also see increased mutual benefits in the bilateral relationship. China-watcher James Curran suggests the visit may signal a maturing, more independent Australian foreign policy. The primary role of Australian statecraft is to do everything we possibly can to avoid a conflict. To avoid ever getting close to a decision about following the Americans into a war of that kind. This was best illustrated by Albanese's refusal to provide Washington with a wide-ranging and largely open-ended commitment to support the US in any conflict with China over Taiwan. Indeed, as Curran observes, Albanese has tried to steer the relationship away from disagreement and towards pragmatic engagement. Following his meeting with Xi, Albanese was repeatedly asked by Australian journalists if he raised sensitive issues such as Taiwan, China's military build-up and the South China Sea. While he confirmed these topics were addressed, he emphasised a preference for peaceful engagement: [...] we want peace and security in the region. That is in the interest of both Australia and in the interest of China. Unsurprisingly, the joint statement made no reference to these issues, reflecting a mutual decision to sidestep confrontation in favour of stabilising the relationship. This diplomatic posture toward China would appear to be a defining feature of the Albanese government's second term: strengthening cooperation while quietly managing differences. Rather than highlighting points of contention, the government is opting to avoid open disagreement where possible. Overt disputes risk destabilising bilateral ties. If issues are raised publicly, it is unlikely to shift entrenched positions on either side. This explains why the ownership of the Port of Darwin, for example, was not mentioned during Albanese's meeting with Xi. Critics, however, argue this risks projecting weakness towards China. Justin Bassi, executive director of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, warns the government is staying silent in the face of ongoing Chinese coercion: Australia is only complying with China's desires when the government says nothing and leaves the public to trust that the threats posed by China are all being dealt with in the classified realm. This is not viable policy. Australia's sovereignty must not be contingent on Beijing's preferences. Even within China, analysts are cautious about Albanese's approach. As one Chinese scholar told us, "a stable relationship does not necessarily mean a friendly one". In fact, while the Chinese media has stressed Australia and China's shared commitment to regional stability, this was barely mentioned in the official joint statement. Still, there is recognition on both sides that pragmatism rather than ideological grandstanding is the more sustainable path forward. In sum, Albanese's visit does not mark a dramatic reset or bold new direction in Australia-China relations. Rather, it signals a shift toward greater realism. In an increasingly complex and multipolar world, diplomacy grounded in mutual interests, rather than ideology, is not just practical, but may be a growing trend across the globe. The Albanese government has faced an increasingly uncertain world since its re-election in May. US President Donald Trump has cast a long shadow over the Australia-US alliance, raising fresh questions about Canberra's long-term regional strategy. Against this backdrop, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese's approach to foreign policy is reflecting a careful recalibration - one that seeks to balance security partnerships with the pursuit of economic opportunities, especially with Australia's largest trading partner, China. Albanese has wrapped up a six-day visit to China which was characterised by a highly pragmatic approach to dealing with the problems and irritants in the bilateral relationship. Albanese's visit to Beijing, Shanghai and Chengdu - cities emblematic of Australia's political, economic and cultural connections with China - was more than symbolic. It was a high-profile diplomatic venture, with Albanese meeting both the Chinese President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Qiang. But it was more than a leaders' summit. A large team of key business leaders in banking, manufacturing, mining and education were on the trip to meet their Chinese counterparts and seek more cooperation. Economic engagement dominated the visit. As Albanese highlighted before his trip, "my priority is jobs". Broader partnerships spanning multiple sectors, including healthcare, education and green energy, were canvassed. The two nations also explored closer cooperation on energy transition and climate change. Chinese Ambassador to Australia Xiao Qian has even floated a collaboration on artificial intelligence. However, the suggestion has been met with caution in Canberra due to ongoing concerns around national security and data governance. Beyond trade and investment, the visit also marked an effort to rebuild people-to-people exchanges. Since last year, Australian citizens have been able to visit China for up to 30 days without a visa. In turn, Australia will welcome more Chinese visitors under a new Memorandum of Understanding promoting Australia as a premier tourist destination for Chinese travellers. Albanese's meetings with Xi Jinping and Li Qiang also yielded concrete results. The official joint statement emphasised economic cooperation, particularly in climate-related areas such as steel decarbonisation, dryland farming and the green economy. These outcomes align with the Albanese government's guiding principle: cooperate where we can. The deeper economic cooperation has been noted in China, where there is an expectation collaboration will continue to accelerate on the back of improved relations. As James Laurenceson of the Australia-China Relations Institute recently noted, a stronger economic partnership will help foster more resilient ties across the board. Other analysts also see increased mutual benefits in the bilateral relationship. China-watcher James Curran suggests the visit may signal a maturing, more independent Australian foreign policy. The primary role of Australian statecraft is to do everything we possibly can to avoid a conflict. To avoid ever getting close to a decision about following the Americans into a war of that kind. This was best illustrated by Albanese's refusal to provide Washington with a wide-ranging and largely open-ended commitment to support the US in any conflict with China over Taiwan. Indeed, as Curran observes, Albanese has tried to steer the relationship away from disagreement and towards pragmatic engagement. Following his meeting with Xi, Albanese was repeatedly asked by Australian journalists if he raised sensitive issues such as Taiwan, China's military build-up and the South China Sea. While he confirmed these topics were addressed, he emphasised a preference for peaceful engagement: [...] we want peace and security in the region. That is in the interest of both Australia and in the interest of China. Unsurprisingly, the joint statement made no reference to these issues, reflecting a mutual decision to sidestep confrontation in favour of stabilising the relationship. This diplomatic posture toward China would appear to be a defining feature of the Albanese government's second term: strengthening cooperation while quietly managing differences. Rather than highlighting points of contention, the government is opting to avoid open disagreement where possible. Overt disputes risk destabilising bilateral ties. If issues are raised publicly, it is unlikely to shift entrenched positions on either side. This explains why the ownership of the Port of Darwin, for example, was not mentioned during Albanese's meeting with Xi. Critics, however, argue this risks projecting weakness towards China. Justin Bassi, executive director of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, warns the government is staying silent in the face of ongoing Chinese coercion: Australia is only complying with China's desires when the government says nothing and leaves the public to trust that the threats posed by China are all being dealt with in the classified realm. This is not viable policy. Australia's sovereignty must not be contingent on Beijing's preferences. Even within China, analysts are cautious about Albanese's approach. As one Chinese scholar told us, "a stable relationship does not necessarily mean a friendly one". In fact, while the Chinese media has stressed Australia and China's shared commitment to regional stability, this was barely mentioned in the official joint statement. Still, there is recognition on both sides that pragmatism rather than ideological grandstanding is the more sustainable path forward. In sum, Albanese's visit does not mark a dramatic reset or bold new direction in Australia-China relations. Rather, it signals a shift toward greater realism. In an increasingly complex and multipolar world, diplomacy grounded in mutual interests, rather than ideology, is not just practical, but may be a growing trend across the globe. The Albanese government has faced an increasingly uncertain world since its re-election in May. US President Donald Trump has cast a long shadow over the Australia-US alliance, raising fresh questions about Canberra's long-term regional strategy. Against this backdrop, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese's approach to foreign policy is reflecting a careful recalibration - one that seeks to balance security partnerships with the pursuit of economic opportunities, especially with Australia's largest trading partner, China. Albanese has wrapped up a six-day visit to China which was characterised by a highly pragmatic approach to dealing with the problems and irritants in the bilateral relationship. Albanese's visit to Beijing, Shanghai and Chengdu - cities emblematic of Australia's political, economic and cultural connections with China - was more than symbolic. It was a high-profile diplomatic venture, with Albanese meeting both the Chinese President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Qiang. But it was more than a leaders' summit. A large team of key business leaders in banking, manufacturing, mining and education were on the trip to meet their Chinese counterparts and seek more cooperation. Economic engagement dominated the visit. As Albanese highlighted before his trip, "my priority is jobs". Broader partnerships spanning multiple sectors, including healthcare, education and green energy, were canvassed. The two nations also explored closer cooperation on energy transition and climate change. Chinese Ambassador to Australia Xiao Qian has even floated a collaboration on artificial intelligence. However, the suggestion has been met with caution in Canberra due to ongoing concerns around national security and data governance. Beyond trade and investment, the visit also marked an effort to rebuild people-to-people exchanges. Since last year, Australian citizens have been able to visit China for up to 30 days without a visa. In turn, Australia will welcome more Chinese visitors under a new Memorandum of Understanding promoting Australia as a premier tourist destination for Chinese travellers. Albanese's meetings with Xi Jinping and Li Qiang also yielded concrete results. The official joint statement emphasised economic cooperation, particularly in climate-related areas such as steel decarbonisation, dryland farming and the green economy. These outcomes align with the Albanese government's guiding principle: cooperate where we can. The deeper economic cooperation has been noted in China, where there is an expectation collaboration will continue to accelerate on the back of improved relations. As James Laurenceson of the Australia-China Relations Institute recently noted, a stronger economic partnership will help foster more resilient ties across the board. Other analysts also see increased mutual benefits in the bilateral relationship. China-watcher James Curran suggests the visit may signal a maturing, more independent Australian foreign policy. The primary role of Australian statecraft is to do everything we possibly can to avoid a conflict. To avoid ever getting close to a decision about following the Americans into a war of that kind. This was best illustrated by Albanese's refusal to provide Washington with a wide-ranging and largely open-ended commitment to support the US in any conflict with China over Taiwan. Indeed, as Curran observes, Albanese has tried to steer the relationship away from disagreement and towards pragmatic engagement. Following his meeting with Xi, Albanese was repeatedly asked by Australian journalists if he raised sensitive issues such as Taiwan, China's military build-up and the South China Sea. While he confirmed these topics were addressed, he emphasised a preference for peaceful engagement: [...] we want peace and security in the region. That is in the interest of both Australia and in the interest of China. Unsurprisingly, the joint statement made no reference to these issues, reflecting a mutual decision to sidestep confrontation in favour of stabilising the relationship. This diplomatic posture toward China would appear to be a defining feature of the Albanese government's second term: strengthening cooperation while quietly managing differences. Rather than highlighting points of contention, the government is opting to avoid open disagreement where possible. Overt disputes risk destabilising bilateral ties. If issues are raised publicly, it is unlikely to shift entrenched positions on either side. This explains why the ownership of the Port of Darwin, for example, was not mentioned during Albanese's meeting with Xi. Critics, however, argue this risks projecting weakness towards China. Justin Bassi, executive director of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, warns the government is staying silent in the face of ongoing Chinese coercion: Australia is only complying with China's desires when the government says nothing and leaves the public to trust that the threats posed by China are all being dealt with in the classified realm. This is not viable policy. Australia's sovereignty must not be contingent on Beijing's preferences. Even within China, analysts are cautious about Albanese's approach. As one Chinese scholar told us, "a stable relationship does not necessarily mean a friendly one". In fact, while the Chinese media has stressed Australia and China's shared commitment to regional stability, this was barely mentioned in the official joint statement. Still, there is recognition on both sides that pragmatism rather than ideological grandstanding is the more sustainable path forward. In sum, Albanese's visit does not mark a dramatic reset or bold new direction in Australia-China relations. Rather, it signals a shift toward greater realism. In an increasingly complex and multipolar world, diplomacy grounded in mutual interests, rather than ideology, is not just practical, but may be a growing trend across the globe.
Asia News Network
5 days ago
- Business
- Asia News Network
Australian PM Albanese's visit reflects close China-Australia economic links
July 15, 2025 SYDNEY – Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese's weeklong official visit to China reflects the close economic relationship between the two countries and offers opportunities for greater cooperation in growing sectors amid global challenges, according to Australian analysts. Other than high-level meetings in Beijing, the itinerary includes trips to Shanghai, where Albanese arrived on Saturday, and Chengdu, the capital of Sichuan province. The visit covers business, investment, tourism and other major sectors to build on Australia's strong economic and trade links with China, according to a statement from the prime minister's office. James Laurenceson, director of the Australia-China Relations Institute at the University of Technology Sydney, said a leader's visit 'positively impacts the bilateral relationship because it shows confidence and commitment at the highest political level'. 'Businesses engaged in the Australia-China economic corridor report that they have benefited from the stabilization in Australia-China relations since 2022,' he said, adding that amid rising geopolitical tensions globally, Sino-Australian ties hold greater significance. 'Both Australia and China have enormous, shared interests around trade,' Laurenceson said. 'Climate change and clean energy transition … will expectedly get a lot of coverage given the two countries' shared interests.' David Olsson, president and chairman of the Australia China Business Council, said the visit by Albanese 'matters because it signals intent'. 'When political leaders are prepared to meet and listen, it creates space for business to step forward. This is especially important in a climate where geopolitical risks and economic uncertainty weigh on investment decisions,' he said. Olsson said that trade 'has always been a foundation of the Australia-China relationship, and both sides understand its strategic importance'. 'The global economic environment is shifting toward decarbonization, digitalization and regional integration, and these trends are reshaping trade patterns. Australia and China each have strengths to contribute in this transition,' he said. But it is not just about goods and services, Olsson stressed. 'Sustained trade relationships are underpinned by people. We're seeing renewed energy in areas like education, tourism, sports and the arts, all of which help rebuild trust and understanding. That broader engagement adds depth to the economic relationship and supports a more resilient partnership,' he said. 'We'll be paying close attention to areas that signal long-term cooperation, particularly in green energy, food and agribusiness, education and professional services, and sustainable infrastructure. These align with where our members see opportunity, and where Australian expertise matches China's evolving needs,' Olsson added. Hans Hendrischke, a professor of Chinese business and management at the University of Sydney Business School, said that Albanese's weeklong itinerary is 'twice as long as a regular state visit for good reasons'. 'For both sides, direct personal contact between their political and business leaders is essential to maintain stable economic relations,' he said. Hendrischke, who also chairs the business and economics cluster of the university's China Studies Centre, said the cities of Shanghai, Beijing and Chengdu represent Albanese's trade, government and investment agendas. 'In trade, Australian iron ore and resources exports to China provide the ballast to the bilateral economic relationship, but potentially face the risk of becoming bargaining chips in international geostrategic competition. In this situation, both sides need to reassure each other at the highest level of their commitment to unimpeded trade and investment,' he said. Hendrischke said that Chengdu is the likely place where Albanese will be shown 'the latest results of State-planned industrial policy that could be proactively applied to support cooperation between Australian and Chinese companies, similar to the way international investment has contributed to the growth of new greenfield industries' around the provincial capital. Referring to the China-Australia Free Trade Agreement, which marks its 10th anniversary this year, Hendrischke said that China's calls for integrating artificial intelligence and foreign direct investment in a revised agreement would also 'open the way for Australia to direct Chinese investment into areas of national benefit such as renewable energy, agribusiness and high-tech services'. Laurenceson, from the Australia-China Relations Institute, said there will be plenty of areas where both sides can explore greater cooperation under the framework of the free trade agreement, such as the mutual recognition of skill qualifications and product and service standards. Olsson, from the Australia China Business Council, said that Albanese's visit, which includes a CEO roundtable for Australian and Chinese business leaders to strengthen trade and investment, is 'another opportunity to demonstrate that commitment can reinforce the value of practical, respectful engagement between our two countries'.
Sydney Morning Herald
06-07-2025
- Business
- Sydney Morning Herald
The Australia-first words that Sussan Ley says are a threat to the US relationship
But with Albanese now unable to secure a face-to-face meeting with US President Donald Trump, even as the AUKUS defence pact is being reviewed by the Pentagon and Australia is lobbying for exemptions to US tariffs, Sussan Ley argued it was the wrong time to inch away from the US. 'At a time of global uncertainty, growing conflict and a growing list of issues in the Australia-United States relationship, now is a time to build our influence in Washington, not diminish it,' she said in a statement. 'Many Australians will wonder whether this speech at this time was in our national interest, given so many things crucial to Australia's future are currently being considered by the US administration.' The AUKUS defence pact is a trilateral agreement with the United States and United Kingdom that will allow Australia to acquire nuclear submarine capabilities. James Laurenceson, director of the Australia-China Relations Institute at the University of Technology Sydney, said that since John Howard it was unusual for Australian prime ministers to speak positively about a more independent foreign policy not tied solely to US interests. Loading 'It's not entirely inconsistent with where Albanese has been headed,' Laurenceson said, pointing to remarks from Trade Minister Don Farrell about growing trade with China following Trump's tariffs. Laurenceson said Albanese would be confident that the Australian public was comfortable with his coming meeting with Xi occurring before a face-to-face with Trump, pointing to polling showing Trump's unpopularity in Australia. Coalition trade spokesman Kevin Hogan said on Sky News on Sunday that 'it is embarrassing' Albanese had not yet met Trump. Sydney University international affairs historian James Curran said there was a contradiction in putting a spotlight on sovereignty at a time when Australia was tying itself more firmly into US military framework through the AUKUS submarine pact. He said Albanese's speech was significant because it came at a time when the US was pressuring allies to boost defence spending and contain a rising power in China. 'While it's not a new strategic doctrine, it is saying that there are times when Australia has to determine its own destiny,' Curran said. 'After the best part of two decades, in which the culture of the alliance has been awash in the sentimental claptrap of '100 years of mateship', it's not necessarily a bad thing for the loose cannons in the Trump administration – who are perhaps getting used to allies capitulating – to hear an Australian PM saying that, from time to time, Australia needs to express itself differently.' During the election campaign, Albanese and his ministers used Trump's haphazard approach to discredit the Peter Dutton-led Coalition, whose policy agenda and style had similarities with the US president's.
The Age
06-07-2025
- Business
- The Age
The Australia-first words that Sussan Ley says are a threat to the US relationship
But with Albanese now unable to secure a face-to-face meeting with US President Donald Trump, even as the AUKUS defence pact is being reviewed by the Pentagon and Australia is lobbying for exemptions to US tariffs, Sussan Ley argued it was the wrong time to inch away from the US. 'At a time of global uncertainty, growing conflict and a growing list of issues in the Australia-United States relationship, now is a time to build our influence in Washington, not diminish it,' she said in a statement. 'Many Australians will wonder whether this speech at this time was in our national interest, given so many things crucial to Australia's future are currently being considered by the US administration.' The AUKUS defence pact is a trilateral agreement with the United States and United Kingdom that will allow Australia to acquire nuclear submarine capabilities. James Laurenceson, director of the Australia-China Relations Institute at the University of Technology Sydney, said that since John Howard it was unusual for Australian prime ministers to speak positively about a more independent foreign policy not tied solely to US interests. Loading 'It's not entirely inconsistent with where Albanese has been headed,' Laurenceson said, pointing to remarks from Trade Minister Don Farrell about growing trade with China following Trump's tariffs. Laurenceson said Albanese would be confident that the Australian public was comfortable with his coming meeting with Xi occurring before a face-to-face with Trump, pointing to polling showing Trump's unpopularity in Australia. Coalition trade spokesman Kevin Hogan said on Sky News on Sunday that 'it is embarrassing' Albanese had not yet met Trump. Sydney University international affairs historian James Curran said there was a contradiction in putting a spotlight on sovereignty at a time when Australia was tying itself more firmly into US military framework through the AUKUS submarine pact. He said Albanese's speech was significant because it came at a time when the US was pressuring allies to boost defence spending and contain a rising power in China. 'While it's not a new strategic doctrine, it is saying that there are times when Australia has to determine its own destiny,' Curran said. 'After the best part of two decades, in which the culture of the alliance has been awash in the sentimental claptrap of '100 years of mateship', it's not necessarily a bad thing for the loose cannons in the Trump administration – who are perhaps getting used to allies capitulating – to hear an Australian PM saying that, from time to time, Australia needs to express itself differently.' During the election campaign, Albanese and his ministers used Trump's haphazard approach to discredit the Peter Dutton-led Coalition, whose policy agenda and style had similarities with the US president's.
