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Coalition demands answers after Albanese government lifts biosecurity restrictions on US beef imports
Coalition demands answers after Albanese government lifts biosecurity restrictions on US beef imports

Sky News AU

timea day ago

  • Business
  • Sky News AU

Coalition demands answers after Albanese government lifts biosecurity restrictions on US beef imports

The Albanese government is being urged to explain its backflip on a US beef ban after the Prime Minister previously insisted Labor would not 'compromise' on biosecurity. The Australian Financial Review revealed on Thursday that Australian officials had notified their US counterparts that restrictions on the importation of US beef will be lifted following a scientific review of the biosecurity risks. Responding to the reports on Thursday, Nationals Senate Leader Bridget McKenzie said the decision could pose a risk to our beef industry. 'We need to make sure our $11 billion beef export industry is protected. Our concerns would be any watering down of those science-based protocols would lead the risk of disease, entering this country, and our farmers, being subjected to unnecessary risk,' Ms McKenzie said. Shadow finance minister James Paterson said the government needed to explain its backflip. 'The prime minister himself has said that we couldn't relax the restrictions on the importation of US beef because of serious biosecurity concerns," Mr Paterson told Sky News. "So if the government has found some way of dealing with that issue, protecting our domestic agricultural industry from the introduction of foreign diseases and pests, then they should say so they should stand up and explain that, not anonymously leak it to a newspaper. 'Full credit to the AFR for getting the story, but a major story like this affecting a major export industry of about $11 billion a year and about an $82 billion domestic industry, when you include red meat more broadly, deserves more answers than this.' The restrictions had been cited by President Donald Trump as a justification for his decision to impose a 10 per cent across the board tariff on Australian imports – as well as much larger tariffs on steel and aluminium – in violation of the existing Australia-US free trade agreement. 'Australia bans – and they're wonderful people, and wonderful everything – but they ban American beef,' President Trump said in April In response to the comments, Prime Minister Albanese emphatically declared his government 'will not change or compromise any of the issues regarding biosecurity, full stop, exclamation mark, it's simply not worth it. So it's that simple.' A blanket ban on US beef imports - imposed following a mad cow disease in 2003 - was repealed in 2019. However biosecurity rules have remained in place due to the risk of beef from countries such as Mexico and Canada being imported through the US, and no American beef has been imported under the new scheme. But a government source told the AFR on Thursday that the US Beef Imports Review had undertaken a 'rigorous science and risk-based assessment over the past decade' and the bans would be lifted. Agriculture Minister Julie Collins confirmed the report, saying in a statement that her department was "satisfied the strengthened control measures put in place by the US effectively manage biosecurity risks.' However Cattle Australia CEO Will Evans said he was sure the decision would not have been made unless scientific experts had the 'utmost confidence' it would not impose a risk to Australia's cattle industry. 'Context is important here. We export more than $4 billion of beef a year to the US, and this has been a multi-year assessment process undertaken by the Department of Agriculture - they're the competent authority in this, and they're required to assess this under a rules based trading system. 'What they've done is they've completed a technical scientific assessment, and they've said, look, there are the right processes in place in these countries to be able to manage these risks, and they've determined that they're going to grant access after making this assessment over many years. 'Now, the cattle industry is a $75 billion industry in Australia. I'm sure they wouldn't have made this decision unless they had the utmost confidence that the science was correct.'

Rudd ‘confident' on AUKUS review, rejects defence spending claims
Rudd ‘confident' on AUKUS review, rejects defence spending claims

AU Financial Review

time6 days ago

  • Politics
  • AU Financial Review

Rudd ‘confident' on AUKUS review, rejects defence spending claims

Washington | Kevin Rudd believes issues raised by the Pentagon's review of the AUKUS submarine pact can be resolved, but refutes suggestions that Australia is not spending enough on defence. The former prime minister and now United States ambassador, who is under intense scrutiny amid strains in the Australia-US alliance, said the relationship had proved resilient through 15 prime ministers and presidents and would grow stronger under President Donald Trump.

What Albanese's visit reveals about China relations in a turbulent world
What Albanese's visit reveals about China relations in a turbulent world

The Advertiser

time7 days ago

  • Business
  • The Advertiser

What Albanese's visit reveals about China relations in a turbulent world

The Albanese government has faced an increasingly uncertain world since its re-election in May. US President Donald Trump has cast a long shadow over the Australia-US alliance, raising fresh questions about Canberra's long-term regional strategy. Against this backdrop, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese's approach to foreign policy is reflecting a careful recalibration - one that seeks to balance security partnerships with the pursuit of economic opportunities, especially with Australia's largest trading partner, China. Albanese has wrapped up a six-day visit to China which was characterised by a highly pragmatic approach to dealing with the problems and irritants in the bilateral relationship. Albanese's visit to Beijing, Shanghai and Chengdu - cities emblematic of Australia's political, economic and cultural connections with China - was more than symbolic. It was a high-profile diplomatic venture, with Albanese meeting both the Chinese President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Qiang. But it was more than a leaders' summit. A large team of key business leaders in banking, manufacturing, mining and education were on the trip to meet their Chinese counterparts and seek more cooperation. Economic engagement dominated the visit. As Albanese highlighted before his trip, "my priority is jobs". Broader partnerships spanning multiple sectors, including healthcare, education and green energy, were canvassed. The two nations also explored closer cooperation on energy transition and climate change. Chinese Ambassador to Australia Xiao Qian has even floated a collaboration on artificial intelligence. However, the suggestion has been met with caution in Canberra due to ongoing concerns around national security and data governance. Beyond trade and investment, the visit also marked an effort to rebuild people-to-people exchanges. Since last year, Australian citizens have been able to visit China for up to 30 days without a visa. In turn, Australia will welcome more Chinese visitors under a new Memorandum of Understanding promoting Australia as a premier tourist destination for Chinese travellers. Albanese's meetings with Xi Jinping and Li Qiang also yielded concrete results. The official joint statement emphasised economic cooperation, particularly in climate-related areas such as steel decarbonisation, dryland farming and the green economy. These outcomes align with the Albanese government's guiding principle: cooperate where we can. The deeper economic cooperation has been noted in China, where there is an expectation collaboration will continue to accelerate on the back of improved relations. As James Laurenceson of the Australia-China Relations Institute recently noted, a stronger economic partnership will help foster more resilient ties across the board. Other analysts also see increased mutual benefits in the bilateral relationship. China-watcher James Curran suggests the visit may signal a maturing, more independent Australian foreign policy. The primary role of Australian statecraft is to do everything we possibly can to avoid a conflict. To avoid ever getting close to a decision about following the Americans into a war of that kind. This was best illustrated by Albanese's refusal to provide Washington with a wide-ranging and largely open-ended commitment to support the US in any conflict with China over Taiwan. Indeed, as Curran observes, Albanese has tried to steer the relationship away from disagreement and towards pragmatic engagement. Following his meeting with Xi, Albanese was repeatedly asked by Australian journalists if he raised sensitive issues such as Taiwan, China's military build-up and the South China Sea. While he confirmed these topics were addressed, he emphasised a preference for peaceful engagement: [...] we want peace and security in the region. That is in the interest of both Australia and in the interest of China. Unsurprisingly, the joint statement made no reference to these issues, reflecting a mutual decision to sidestep confrontation in favour of stabilising the relationship. This diplomatic posture toward China would appear to be a defining feature of the Albanese government's second term: strengthening cooperation while quietly managing differences. Rather than highlighting points of contention, the government is opting to avoid open disagreement where possible. Overt disputes risk destabilising bilateral ties. If issues are raised publicly, it is unlikely to shift entrenched positions on either side. This explains why the ownership of the Port of Darwin, for example, was not mentioned during Albanese's meeting with Xi. Critics, however, argue this risks projecting weakness towards China. Justin Bassi, executive director of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, warns the government is staying silent in the face of ongoing Chinese coercion: Australia is only complying with China's desires when the government says nothing and leaves the public to trust that the threats posed by China are all being dealt with in the classified realm. This is not viable policy. Australia's sovereignty must not be contingent on Beijing's preferences. Even within China, analysts are cautious about Albanese's approach. As one Chinese scholar told us, "a stable relationship does not necessarily mean a friendly one". In fact, while the Chinese media has stressed Australia and China's shared commitment to regional stability, this was barely mentioned in the official joint statement. Still, there is recognition on both sides that pragmatism rather than ideological grandstanding is the more sustainable path forward. In sum, Albanese's visit does not mark a dramatic reset or bold new direction in Australia-China relations. Rather, it signals a shift toward greater realism. In an increasingly complex and multipolar world, diplomacy grounded in mutual interests, rather than ideology, is not just practical, but may be a growing trend across the globe. The Albanese government has faced an increasingly uncertain world since its re-election in May. US President Donald Trump has cast a long shadow over the Australia-US alliance, raising fresh questions about Canberra's long-term regional strategy. Against this backdrop, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese's approach to foreign policy is reflecting a careful recalibration - one that seeks to balance security partnerships with the pursuit of economic opportunities, especially with Australia's largest trading partner, China. Albanese has wrapped up a six-day visit to China which was characterised by a highly pragmatic approach to dealing with the problems and irritants in the bilateral relationship. Albanese's visit to Beijing, Shanghai and Chengdu - cities emblematic of Australia's political, economic and cultural connections with China - was more than symbolic. It was a high-profile diplomatic venture, with Albanese meeting both the Chinese President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Qiang. But it was more than a leaders' summit. A large team of key business leaders in banking, manufacturing, mining and education were on the trip to meet their Chinese counterparts and seek more cooperation. Economic engagement dominated the visit. As Albanese highlighted before his trip, "my priority is jobs". Broader partnerships spanning multiple sectors, including healthcare, education and green energy, were canvassed. The two nations also explored closer cooperation on energy transition and climate change. Chinese Ambassador to Australia Xiao Qian has even floated a collaboration on artificial intelligence. However, the suggestion has been met with caution in Canberra due to ongoing concerns around national security and data governance. Beyond trade and investment, the visit also marked an effort to rebuild people-to-people exchanges. Since last year, Australian citizens have been able to visit China for up to 30 days without a visa. In turn, Australia will welcome more Chinese visitors under a new Memorandum of Understanding promoting Australia as a premier tourist destination for Chinese travellers. Albanese's meetings with Xi Jinping and Li Qiang also yielded concrete results. The official joint statement emphasised economic cooperation, particularly in climate-related areas such as steel decarbonisation, dryland farming and the green economy. These outcomes align with the Albanese government's guiding principle: cooperate where we can. The deeper economic cooperation has been noted in China, where there is an expectation collaboration will continue to accelerate on the back of improved relations. As James Laurenceson of the Australia-China Relations Institute recently noted, a stronger economic partnership will help foster more resilient ties across the board. Other analysts also see increased mutual benefits in the bilateral relationship. China-watcher James Curran suggests the visit may signal a maturing, more independent Australian foreign policy. The primary role of Australian statecraft is to do everything we possibly can to avoid a conflict. To avoid ever getting close to a decision about following the Americans into a war of that kind. This was best illustrated by Albanese's refusal to provide Washington with a wide-ranging and largely open-ended commitment to support the US in any conflict with China over Taiwan. Indeed, as Curran observes, Albanese has tried to steer the relationship away from disagreement and towards pragmatic engagement. Following his meeting with Xi, Albanese was repeatedly asked by Australian journalists if he raised sensitive issues such as Taiwan, China's military build-up and the South China Sea. While he confirmed these topics were addressed, he emphasised a preference for peaceful engagement: [...] we want peace and security in the region. That is in the interest of both Australia and in the interest of China. Unsurprisingly, the joint statement made no reference to these issues, reflecting a mutual decision to sidestep confrontation in favour of stabilising the relationship. This diplomatic posture toward China would appear to be a defining feature of the Albanese government's second term: strengthening cooperation while quietly managing differences. Rather than highlighting points of contention, the government is opting to avoid open disagreement where possible. Overt disputes risk destabilising bilateral ties. If issues are raised publicly, it is unlikely to shift entrenched positions on either side. This explains why the ownership of the Port of Darwin, for example, was not mentioned during Albanese's meeting with Xi. Critics, however, argue this risks projecting weakness towards China. Justin Bassi, executive director of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, warns the government is staying silent in the face of ongoing Chinese coercion: Australia is only complying with China's desires when the government says nothing and leaves the public to trust that the threats posed by China are all being dealt with in the classified realm. This is not viable policy. Australia's sovereignty must not be contingent on Beijing's preferences. Even within China, analysts are cautious about Albanese's approach. As one Chinese scholar told us, "a stable relationship does not necessarily mean a friendly one". In fact, while the Chinese media has stressed Australia and China's shared commitment to regional stability, this was barely mentioned in the official joint statement. Still, there is recognition on both sides that pragmatism rather than ideological grandstanding is the more sustainable path forward. In sum, Albanese's visit does not mark a dramatic reset or bold new direction in Australia-China relations. Rather, it signals a shift toward greater realism. In an increasingly complex and multipolar world, diplomacy grounded in mutual interests, rather than ideology, is not just practical, but may be a growing trend across the globe. The Albanese government has faced an increasingly uncertain world since its re-election in May. US President Donald Trump has cast a long shadow over the Australia-US alliance, raising fresh questions about Canberra's long-term regional strategy. Against this backdrop, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese's approach to foreign policy is reflecting a careful recalibration - one that seeks to balance security partnerships with the pursuit of economic opportunities, especially with Australia's largest trading partner, China. Albanese has wrapped up a six-day visit to China which was characterised by a highly pragmatic approach to dealing with the problems and irritants in the bilateral relationship. Albanese's visit to Beijing, Shanghai and Chengdu - cities emblematic of Australia's political, economic and cultural connections with China - was more than symbolic. It was a high-profile diplomatic venture, with Albanese meeting both the Chinese President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Qiang. But it was more than a leaders' summit. A large team of key business leaders in banking, manufacturing, mining and education were on the trip to meet their Chinese counterparts and seek more cooperation. Economic engagement dominated the visit. As Albanese highlighted before his trip, "my priority is jobs". Broader partnerships spanning multiple sectors, including healthcare, education and green energy, were canvassed. The two nations also explored closer cooperation on energy transition and climate change. Chinese Ambassador to Australia Xiao Qian has even floated a collaboration on artificial intelligence. However, the suggestion has been met with caution in Canberra due to ongoing concerns around national security and data governance. Beyond trade and investment, the visit also marked an effort to rebuild people-to-people exchanges. Since last year, Australian citizens have been able to visit China for up to 30 days without a visa. In turn, Australia will welcome more Chinese visitors under a new Memorandum of Understanding promoting Australia as a premier tourist destination for Chinese travellers. Albanese's meetings with Xi Jinping and Li Qiang also yielded concrete results. The official joint statement emphasised economic cooperation, particularly in climate-related areas such as steel decarbonisation, dryland farming and the green economy. These outcomes align with the Albanese government's guiding principle: cooperate where we can. The deeper economic cooperation has been noted in China, where there is an expectation collaboration will continue to accelerate on the back of improved relations. As James Laurenceson of the Australia-China Relations Institute recently noted, a stronger economic partnership will help foster more resilient ties across the board. Other analysts also see increased mutual benefits in the bilateral relationship. China-watcher James Curran suggests the visit may signal a maturing, more independent Australian foreign policy. The primary role of Australian statecraft is to do everything we possibly can to avoid a conflict. To avoid ever getting close to a decision about following the Americans into a war of that kind. This was best illustrated by Albanese's refusal to provide Washington with a wide-ranging and largely open-ended commitment to support the US in any conflict with China over Taiwan. Indeed, as Curran observes, Albanese has tried to steer the relationship away from disagreement and towards pragmatic engagement. Following his meeting with Xi, Albanese was repeatedly asked by Australian journalists if he raised sensitive issues such as Taiwan, China's military build-up and the South China Sea. While he confirmed these topics were addressed, he emphasised a preference for peaceful engagement: [...] we want peace and security in the region. That is in the interest of both Australia and in the interest of China. Unsurprisingly, the joint statement made no reference to these issues, reflecting a mutual decision to sidestep confrontation in favour of stabilising the relationship. This diplomatic posture toward China would appear to be a defining feature of the Albanese government's second term: strengthening cooperation while quietly managing differences. Rather than highlighting points of contention, the government is opting to avoid open disagreement where possible. Overt disputes risk destabilising bilateral ties. If issues are raised publicly, it is unlikely to shift entrenched positions on either side. This explains why the ownership of the Port of Darwin, for example, was not mentioned during Albanese's meeting with Xi. Critics, however, argue this risks projecting weakness towards China. Justin Bassi, executive director of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, warns the government is staying silent in the face of ongoing Chinese coercion: Australia is only complying with China's desires when the government says nothing and leaves the public to trust that the threats posed by China are all being dealt with in the classified realm. This is not viable policy. Australia's sovereignty must not be contingent on Beijing's preferences. Even within China, analysts are cautious about Albanese's approach. As one Chinese scholar told us, "a stable relationship does not necessarily mean a friendly one". In fact, while the Chinese media has stressed Australia and China's shared commitment to regional stability, this was barely mentioned in the official joint statement. Still, there is recognition on both sides that pragmatism rather than ideological grandstanding is the more sustainable path forward. In sum, Albanese's visit does not mark a dramatic reset or bold new direction in Australia-China relations. Rather, it signals a shift toward greater realism. In an increasingly complex and multipolar world, diplomacy grounded in mutual interests, rather than ideology, is not just practical, but may be a growing trend across the globe. The Albanese government has faced an increasingly uncertain world since its re-election in May. US President Donald Trump has cast a long shadow over the Australia-US alliance, raising fresh questions about Canberra's long-term regional strategy. Against this backdrop, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese's approach to foreign policy is reflecting a careful recalibration - one that seeks to balance security partnerships with the pursuit of economic opportunities, especially with Australia's largest trading partner, China. Albanese has wrapped up a six-day visit to China which was characterised by a highly pragmatic approach to dealing with the problems and irritants in the bilateral relationship. Albanese's visit to Beijing, Shanghai and Chengdu - cities emblematic of Australia's political, economic and cultural connections with China - was more than symbolic. It was a high-profile diplomatic venture, with Albanese meeting both the Chinese President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Qiang. But it was more than a leaders' summit. A large team of key business leaders in banking, manufacturing, mining and education were on the trip to meet their Chinese counterparts and seek more cooperation. Economic engagement dominated the visit. As Albanese highlighted before his trip, "my priority is jobs". Broader partnerships spanning multiple sectors, including healthcare, education and green energy, were canvassed. The two nations also explored closer cooperation on energy transition and climate change. Chinese Ambassador to Australia Xiao Qian has even floated a collaboration on artificial intelligence. However, the suggestion has been met with caution in Canberra due to ongoing concerns around national security and data governance. Beyond trade and investment, the visit also marked an effort to rebuild people-to-people exchanges. Since last year, Australian citizens have been able to visit China for up to 30 days without a visa. In turn, Australia will welcome more Chinese visitors under a new Memorandum of Understanding promoting Australia as a premier tourist destination for Chinese travellers. Albanese's meetings with Xi Jinping and Li Qiang also yielded concrete results. The official joint statement emphasised economic cooperation, particularly in climate-related areas such as steel decarbonisation, dryland farming and the green economy. These outcomes align with the Albanese government's guiding principle: cooperate where we can. The deeper economic cooperation has been noted in China, where there is an expectation collaboration will continue to accelerate on the back of improved relations. As James Laurenceson of the Australia-China Relations Institute recently noted, a stronger economic partnership will help foster more resilient ties across the board. Other analysts also see increased mutual benefits in the bilateral relationship. China-watcher James Curran suggests the visit may signal a maturing, more independent Australian foreign policy. The primary role of Australian statecraft is to do everything we possibly can to avoid a conflict. To avoid ever getting close to a decision about following the Americans into a war of that kind. This was best illustrated by Albanese's refusal to provide Washington with a wide-ranging and largely open-ended commitment to support the US in any conflict with China over Taiwan. Indeed, as Curran observes, Albanese has tried to steer the relationship away from disagreement and towards pragmatic engagement. Following his meeting with Xi, Albanese was repeatedly asked by Australian journalists if he raised sensitive issues such as Taiwan, China's military build-up and the South China Sea. While he confirmed these topics were addressed, he emphasised a preference for peaceful engagement: [...] we want peace and security in the region. That is in the interest of both Australia and in the interest of China. Unsurprisingly, the joint statement made no reference to these issues, reflecting a mutual decision to sidestep confrontation in favour of stabilising the relationship. This diplomatic posture toward China would appear to be a defining feature of the Albanese government's second term: strengthening cooperation while quietly managing differences. Rather than highlighting points of contention, the government is opting to avoid open disagreement where possible. Overt disputes risk destabilising bilateral ties. If issues are raised publicly, it is unlikely to shift entrenched positions on either side. This explains why the ownership of the Port of Darwin, for example, was not mentioned during Albanese's meeting with Xi. Critics, however, argue this risks projecting weakness towards China. Justin Bassi, executive director of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, warns the government is staying silent in the face of ongoing Chinese coercion: Australia is only complying with China's desires when the government says nothing and leaves the public to trust that the threats posed by China are all being dealt with in the classified realm. This is not viable policy. Australia's sovereignty must not be contingent on Beijing's preferences. Even within China, analysts are cautious about Albanese's approach. As one Chinese scholar told us, "a stable relationship does not necessarily mean a friendly one". In fact, while the Chinese media has stressed Australia and China's shared commitment to regional stability, this was barely mentioned in the official joint statement. Still, there is recognition on both sides that pragmatism rather than ideological grandstanding is the more sustainable path forward. In sum, Albanese's visit does not mark a dramatic reset or bold new direction in Australia-China relations. Rather, it signals a shift toward greater realism. In an increasingly complex and multipolar world, diplomacy grounded in mutual interests, rather than ideology, is not just practical, but may be a growing trend across the globe.

‘The attention it deserves': Albanese urged to turn attention to US alliance
‘The attention it deserves': Albanese urged to turn attention to US alliance

Sky News AU

time17-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Sky News AU

‘The attention it deserves': Albanese urged to turn attention to US alliance

Shadow Foreign Affairs Minister Michaelia Cash discusses the importance of the US-Australia alliance, urging Prime Minister Anthony Albanese to pour more focus into the area. 'I want Mr Albanese to immediately, now, turn his attention to the Australia-US alliance,' Ms Cash told Sky News host Chris Kenny. 'Is Mr Albanese deliberately, for reasons only known to himself, seeking to deliberately diminish or undermine the US-Australia relationship? 'Mr Albanese now needs to give the US-Australia alliance the attention it deserves.'

‘Unfathomably stupid': Albanese's six-day China trip slammed
‘Unfathomably stupid': Albanese's six-day China trip slammed

Sky News AU

time16-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Sky News AU

‘Unfathomably stupid': Albanese's six-day China trip slammed

The Australian's Foreign Editor Greg Sheridan slams Prime Minister Anthony Albanese for his six-day trip to China, labelling the visit as 'unfathomably stupid'. 'The more I look at this with the cold eye of national interest, I think what on earth is going through the Prime Minister's mind to agree to a six-day trip to China?' Mr Sheridan told Sky News host Peta Credlin. 'When the Australia-US alliance is under more strain and under more neglect from both sides, Washington and Canberra, then it's been for many, many years. 'Albanese has secured nothing in China. There's been no substance in this trip; he's got nothing out of it.'

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