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AllAfrica
10 hours ago
- Politics
- AllAfrica
Missiles and mandates: Will Indian democracy fuel nuclear war?
In the spring of 2025, just months before India's Lok Sabha elections, a thundering announcement gripped Indian television screens: the Indian Air Force had carried out a precision airstrike on 'terror infrastructure' in Pakistan-administered Kashmir. Dubbed Operation Sindoor, the strike echoed the 2019 Balakot operation—another militarized maneuver that boosted Prime Minister Narendra Modi's approval ratings and helped the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) ride a nationalist wave to electoral victory. It worked again. But while India celebrated and media studios erupted in triumphalism, the region edged perilously closer to catastrophe. Pakistan scrambled jets in response, mobilized forces along the Line of Control (LoC), and warned of 'unpredictable retaliation.' For days, the region held its breath. Though a full-scale war with nuclear weapons was avoided, Operation Sindoor marked a dangerous precedent: that military action could be weaponized as electoral strategy—and that nuclear-armed states are willing to play chicken with apocalypse. That precedent looms larger than ever as India enters a new general election season. Faced with mounting economic distress, rising unemployment, deepening social polarization and signs of voter fatigue with the BJP, Modi's political calculus appears worryingly familiar. He has shown time and again a readiness to manufacture external confrontation to consolidate domestic support. The question is not whether Modi can launch another strike like Sindoor. It is whether, amid a vastly more complex and dangerous strategic landscape, South Asia can survive the next one. Since 2019, both India and Pakistan have accelerated their missile development programs. India now fields an array of nuclear-capable ballistic missiles, from the short-range Prithvi to the long-range Agni-V, capable of striking targets over 5,000 kilometers away. The development of Multiple Independently Targetable Reentry Vehicles (MIRVs) allows a single Indian missile to carry multiple nuclear warheads aimed at different targets—an escalation that dramatically shortens response time for adversaries. Pakistan, for its part, has pursued a different but equally lethal doctrine: tactical nuclear weapons. Its Nasr missile, a short-range battlefield nuke, is designed to counter Indian conventional superiority and deter incursions like Operation Sindoor. In military terms, this is known as 'full-spectrum deterrence.' In political terms, it's a neon warning sign: the next skirmish may not stay conventional. Complicating matters further is the modernization of delivery systems. Both countries now possess sea-based nuclear platforms—submarines capable of launching ballistic missiles—adding a second-strike capability that further erodes once-clear nuclear thresholds. Satellites, drones and advanced radar systems mean that even small troop movements can be misinterpreted as preparation for preemptive attack. In such a hyper-militarized environment, any attempt to recreate a Sindoor-style 'surgical strike' risks triggering a catastrophic miscalculation. Modi's electoral strategy hinges on majoritarian nationalism. The demonization of Muslims, the tightening grip on Kashmir and the portrayal of Pakistan as a perennial enemy are not accidental—they are deliberate tactics to energize the BJP's core Hindu nationalist base. But in the nuclear age, such electoral theater is not just dangerous—it's delusional. During Operation Sindoor, senior BJP leaders made casual references to India's nuclear 'capability.' Modi himself, in a speech, mocked the idea of 'keeping our nukes for Diwali.' The line drew applause, but it also revealed a chilling truth: nuclear posturing has been domesticated into populist rhetoric. What should be tools of ultimate deterrence have been reduced to applause lines at campaign rallies. Meanwhile, Pakistan's military, though reeling from internal political crises, has made clear that another Indian strike—even if limited—will be met with a 'massive and disproportionate' response. Unlike in 2019 or 2025, Pakistan's red lines are fuzzier, its patience thinner and its doctrine more aggressive. The likelihood that the next misadventure could spiral into full-blown nuclear war is no longer hypothetical. The international community's response to Modi's militarism has been muted at best, complicit at worst. The United States, Europe and even Japan have eagerly courted India as a bulwark against China, often overlooking its democratic backsliding, suppression of dissent and increasingly reckless foreign policy. The result is strategic myopia. The stakes will grow higher as India enters a new election season. To be sure, a conflict in South Asia would not be limited to the subcontinent. The Arabian Sea—critical for global oil trade—would be immediately affected. China, which has strategic investments in Pakistan through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a multi-billion-dollar initiative under the Belt and Road scheme, would be compelled to respond. Obviously, an even limited nuclear exchange would have devastating global consequences. Extreme scenario estimates suggest that a regional nuclear war involving 100 warheads—less than half the combined arsenal of India and Pakistan—could cause over 20 million immediate deaths and a nuclear winter that disrupts global agriculture for a decade. This is not a call to absolve Pakistan of its transgressions. It, too, has played dangerous games in the region and must be held accountable for harboring militant networks. But in this moment, it is India's democracy—its voters, its media, its civil society—that bears the heavier burden. The world must demand more from the world's largest democracy. Indian voters must question why their sons and daughters are being sent to war to win elections. Indian journalists must challenge the state's jingoism rather than amplify it. And Indian institutions—however beleaguered—must resist being turned into instruments of war propaganda. Modi may once again find war tempting in the runup to crucial elections. But whether South Asia walks into the fire—or finally learns to resist its own worst instincts—depends not on missiles or military might, but on the courage to choose peace over populism. Because in a nuclear South Asia, there is no longer such thing as a 'limited' misadventure. Advocate Mazhar Siddique Khan is a Lahore-based High Court lawyer. He can be contacted at mazharsiddiquekhan@ .
News18
a day ago
- Politics
- News18
Indian Air Force To Retire MiG-21 Fighter Jets: A Look At IAF's Fighter Jets And Aircrafts
1/8 Rafale: A multirole fighter jet from France. It is the largest entry into the air force, having being inducted in July 2020. It is equipped with advanced avionics and weapons for both air-to-air and air-to-ground missions. (File Pic) Sukhoi Su-30MKI: Developed in collaboration with Russia, it is India's frontline fighter jet. It is known for its long range and versatility. (File Pic) Mirage 2000: A French-made multirole jet famed for its precision strikes. Known for its agility and precision strike capability, it played a key role during the 1999 Kargil conflict and was instrumental in the 2019 Balakot airstrikes. (Image: Wikimedia Commons) SEPECAT Jaguar: First operated in 1979, the Jaguar has been a key strike aircraft in the IAF's fleet for decades. The Indian jaguar have now been upgraded with modern avionics and navigation systems to enhance precision strike capabilities. Reportedly, it was recently involved in Operation Sindoor. (Image: X) The IAF also operates a combinations of various transport aircraft including Antonov An-32, Dornier 228, and Hawker Siddeley HS 748 aircraft. (File Pic)
India.com
2 days ago
- General
- India.com
After 62 Glorious Years Of Service, India's Legendary MiG-21 Fighter Jet Set To Retire
In a significant move, the Indian Air Force (IAF) has officially announced the retirement of its iconic MiG-21 fighter jets. The aircraft, which has served the nation since 1963, will take its final flight on September 19, 2025 from the Chandigarh Air Base, home to the IAF's 23rd Panther Squadron. Nicknamed the "AK-47 of the skies" for its precision and reliability, the MiG-21 has safeguarded India's airspace for over six decades. Initially used for surveillance in the 1965 war due to a lack of trained pilots, the jet proved its mettle in the 1971 India-Pakistan war by downing 13 Pakistani aircraft with only one loss. It also played a crucial role in the 1999 Kargil War and the 2019 Balakot airstrikes, where Wing Commander Abhinandan Varthaman famously shot down a Pakistani F-16 using his MiG-21 Bison. In today's DNA, Zee News Managing Editor, Rahul Sinha decorded the glorious years of India's Legendary MiG-21 Fighter Jet. Watch Today's Full Episode Despite its valor, the MiG-21's history is also marred by frequent crashes, earning it the grim title of "flying coffin." Still, it remains the world's oldest operational fighter jet, with several countries like Syria, Libya, North Korea, and Cuba still using modified versions. Others, such as Yemen and Uganda, continue flying its original version. Interestingly, civilians in some countries can now purchase retired MiG-21s for display, subject to strict demilitarization and licensing. Designed by Artem Mikoyan and Mikhail Gurevich, the aircraft's name stands for MiG – Mikoyan-Gurevich. Globally, over 11,500 units have been produced and used by more than 60 countries. As India prepares to bid farewell to this legendary warbird, the MiG-21's legacy of bravery, sacrifice, and excellence will remain deeply etched in the golden pages of the Indian Air Force's history.
India Today
2 days ago
- General
- India Today
Fighter jet MiG-21 to be retired after 62 years, ceremonial send-off in September
The Indian Air Force is set to retire the iconic fighter jet MiG-21 after 62 years. The last jet will be given a ceremonial send-off on September 19 at the Chandigarh airbase by the 23 Squadron (Panthers).Inducted in the Air Force in 1963, the MiG-21 participated in all major conflicts in India, including the 1965 and 1971 wars, the Kargil War, the 2019 Balakot strikes, and Operation Sindoor.- Ends advertisement
Time of India
5 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
Operation Sindoor & its long pause: Figuring out the fallout
India is in a state of frozen conflict with an officially declared pause on Operation Sindoor . This is possibly aimed at keeping the enemy in a state of confusion or suspense. The obvious corollaries are: A) How long can this state be maintained? B) Does it really have constraining influence on our adversaries? How does it impact us internally? It is fairly apparent that both sides had restricted objectives and limited stamina, specially for non-contact, kinetic warfare, in terms of missiles and drones. A defined, short pause can help to reset, introspect, re-arm and rebuild arsenals. The law of diminishing marginal returns also applies to this extended pause. Defining New Normal Pakistan is already using ISPR/lobbyists to drum up the narrative of India being irresponsible, war-mongering hegemon, insisting on bilateralism, ruling out external influences. On the contrary, as a responsible nation, India has acted in a proportionate, non-escalatory manner, with calibrated targeting. Operation Sindoor, as a short, surgical operation was indeed commendable, and it delivered a potent, effective message. Following up on Balakot, it curated an additional space below the nuclear threshold and debunked Pakistan's narrative of irrational escalation to nuclear domain. The new doctrine defines altered realities: guaranteed retribution after terrorist misadventure; debunking of nuclear blackmail; and that terror sponsors will have to bear the consequences. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like An engineer reveals: One simple trick to get internet without a subscription Techno Mag Learn More Undo Pakistan attempted an economic façade at Pahalgam, to derail tourism and normalcy in Jammu and Kashmir. We need to bounce back and not get bogged down, since Pakistan has really nothing to lose. In any case, Pakistan is running spectacle of visits, lunches and even hosting tutorials on its version of air combat for foreign delegations. Learning from the pastIt will be appropriate to constitute a time-bound, fast-track Kargil Review Committee (KRC) type of a task force. It was indeed commendable that PM Atal Behari Vajpayee ordered KRC within a week after the culmination of Operation Vijay in Kargil. Even more noteworthy was the constitution of a group of ministers (GoM) under the then deputy PM, L K Advani. We implemented some reforms, but we lost traction. Few recommendations still need to be taken to a logical conclusion. It is important to take a call on the pending issues of theatre commands, raising cyber command, and upgrading aero-space and special forces agencies, from two-star to three-star led. It is time to put the NDU debate to rest by officially accepting RRU, which has acquired de facto status. However, in keeping with global norms, there is a requirement to reinforce faculties and apex management, with more services representation. Another important issue is empowering CAPFs with integral cadres. ITBP and BSF deployed in operational grid should be placed under theatre and regional commanders to implement 'One Border, One Force' to build accountability and specialisation. It is relevant to recount the unpleasant experience of a prolonged mobilisation during Operation Parakram, after the terrorist attack on Parliament on Dec 13, 1991, which stretched for more than ten months. In keeping with bureaucratic ambiguity, mobilisation was managed without invoking the war book. Much after demobilisation, Indian Army was battling auditors who refused to clear bills for civil transport hired to keep ammunition on wheels in a ready-to-move state. Recently, Chandigarh MP Manish Tewari, who has multiple tenures in the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Defence and is a constitutional lawyer, raised some seemingly valid questions on the declaration of national emergency and war. It will be prudent to address them and lay clearcut norms. The most discouraging thing is when even after stellar performance, the forces are literally abandoned to fend for themselves, with a maze of vague and rigid regulations. This is also relevant for ongoing emergency procurement where guard-rails need to be reinforced, and accountability shared. Viksit dialogue Mercifully, the present template is different with no large-scale mobilisation or move of formations. To maintain surprise, no general 'recall from leave' orders were promulgated. The surprise was only in timing, as the nation was rooting for instant retribution. As they say that revenge is best served cold, could we have kept Pakistan on tenterhooks for a longer duration, imposing penalties and costs, in a guessing and scrambling game? Considering the dangerous hype created by war-mongering TV channels, there is a need to develop the culture of 'Viksit Samvad' (informed dialogue) for 'Viksit Bharat'. It is time to dispel the misinformation on our aircraft losses. In any case, some losses are an acceptable part of occupational hazard. At present, the Pakistan narrative seems to have found better traction. The confusion is becoming more baffling with floating of new theories of spoofing, with towed decoys. Way forward It would be realistic to infer that while deterrence against Pakistan are in place, there may be attempts to test the redlines coupled with deniability. The next round may be entirely different, especially with Chinese having got considerable amount of data, on our vectors. Hence, we need to have serious discussions on designing force level and platform-mix. It is time we develop an optimum combination of manned-unmanned platforms. The guiding rule is agile platforms with minimal electronic signatures. We should build a potent, but smaller manned fighter fleet, integrated with drones, loitering munitions, missiles and layered air defence. Discussions on the Indus Water Treaty (IWT) have to be progressed in the light of water stress, climate change, need for clean hydro-energy, de-silting of dams for safety and livelihood issues like minimum draft in Jhelum for navigation. The treaty requires a review, taking into account altered realities, but only when the other party mends its ways. Meanwhile, work on dams and reservoirs must be expedited. It is time Pakistan learns to live with the new water regime in the Indus basin. (The author is former GOC-in-C, Western Command, Indian Army)
