Latest news with #BangladeshLiberationWar
News18
9 hours ago
- Politics
- News18
'Bangladesh Army Not As Radical As Pakistan's': Experts To Parliamentary Panel On External Affairs
Last Updated: The experts assured the Shashi Tharoor-led standing committee that there was no immediate cause for alarm regarding Bangladesh, especially compared to Pakistan Concerns about the radicalisation of youth in neighbouring countries were discussed during a key meeting of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on External Affairs, chaired by Dr Shashi Tharoor. The discussion, focused on India-Bangladesh relations, included expert testimonies from former national security adviser Shivshankar Menon, Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain (Retd), former High Commissioner to Bangladesh Riva Ganguly Das, and strategic affairs analyst Professor Amitabh Mattoo. The meeting addressed the growing apprehensions over China and Pakistan's increased engagement with Bangladesh. Several committee members expressed concern about the implications of this evolving regional dynamic, given India's already strained ties with both China and Pakistan. However, experts assured the panel that there was no immediate cause for alarm regarding Bangladesh, especially compared to Pakistan. According to the experts, the Pakistani army remains deeply radicalised, unlike the Bangladeshi army, which does not exhibit similar traits. This distinction is a key factor in assessing the strategic outlook of India's eastern neighbour. They also noted that media narratives often exaggerate the closeness between Bangladesh and India's adversaries. BJP MP Kiran Choudhry, also a member of the panel, recalled her father Brigadier Atma Singh Sejwal's contribution during the Bangladesh Liberation War, reiterating India's longstanding friendship with Bangladesh. In response to a question about Sheikh Hasina's presence in India and how it might be perceived in Bangladesh, the experts drew parallels with India's historic record of granting refuge—from the Dalai Lama to various political figures—reinforcing that this aligns with India's humanitarian ethos. Opposition MPs also emphasised the importance of enhancing bilateral engagement, particularly because states like West Bengal and Tripura share deep linguistic and cultural ties—and long, porous borders—with Bangladesh. Several members proposed increasing people-to-people exchanges, including media and journalist programmes, to deepen mutual understanding. Chairman Shashi Tharoor described the session as 'an excellent and in-depth discussion", confirming that a detailed report would be submitted to Parliament soon. 'We had first-class experts before the committee today. Members raised many important questions, and we received comprehensive responses," he said. On the politically sensitive issue of illegal migration from Bangladesh—often flagged by BJP leaders across states like West Bengal and Jharkhand—Tharoor noted that the number of such cases has 'significantly declined", based on inputs received by the committee. When asked about the ongoing water-sharing disputes and whether the issue was discussed, especially in light of West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee's concerns, Tharoor said, 'You'll have to wait for the final report to know more." The last major meeting on India-Bangladesh ties took place in December, when foreign secretary Vikram Misri briefed the committee. He addressed questions on bilateral relations and spoke at length about the reported violence against the Hindu minority community in Bangladesh.
The Print
16 hours ago
- General
- The Print
Army pays tribute to Field Marshal Sam Bahadur
'Remembering Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw, MC #SamBahadur on his 17th death anniversary. He was the first Indian Army officer to be promoted to the rank of Field Marshal, Sam Bahadur's visionary leadership during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War and his unwavering commitment to military excellence continue to inspire generations,' it said. The Headquarters Integrated Defence Staff (HQ IDS) in a post on X also shared a clip extolling the legendary officer's legacy. New Delhi, Jun 27 (PTI) The armed forces on Friday paid tribute to Field Marshal SHFJ Manekshaw on his death anniversary and said he remains an enduring symbol of courage, integrity and strategic brilliance. India's first Field Marshal remains an enduring symbol of 'courage, integrity and strategic brilliance. His legacy lives on. #SamBahadur', the HQ IDS added. The Indian Army also paid homage to Sam Bahadur as he was popularly called. A grand convention centre of the Army in Delhi Cantonment area is named after him. His images and speeches still inspire both men and women in uniform and civilians to do their best for the country. 'Field Marshal SHFJ Manekshaw, fondly known as Sam Bahadur, was the 8th #COAS and the 1st Field Marshal of the #IndianArmy. The architect of India's victory in the 1971 War, his legacy continues to inspire. #IndianArmy pays homage on his death anniversary,' the Army said in a post on X and also shared a photo of him and one of his famous quotes. PTI KND AS AS This report is auto-generated from PTI news service. ThePrint holds no responsibility for its content.
NDTV
4 days ago
- Politics
- NDTV
50 Years Since Emergency: What Really Fuelled Indira Gandhi's Insecurity
On the eve of the 50th anniversary of June 25, the day in 1975 when, setting aside all norms, the Emergency was imposed, it may be worthwhile to recapitulate the events in the fortnight preceding that day as well as the events of the two years that preceded it. Gujarat's Navnirman Movement (December 1973-April 1974) was spurred by high mess bills in college hostels. This inspired the Bihar movement (from March 1974), which ultimately was led by Jayaprakash Narayan (JP) on the plank of 'Total Revolution', seeking change in polity. An all-India strike by railwaymen in April-May 1974, led by George Fernandes, the head of the National Coordination Committee of Railwaymen's Struggle (NCCRS), added to the chaos preceding June 1975. In January 1975, Railway Minister Lalit Narain Mishra was killed in a bomb blast on the platform of the Samastipur railway station in Bihar. This case is yet to be solved - a petition filed by his grandson, Vaibhav Mishra, seeking the reopening of the investigation by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), was admitted by the Delhi High Court recently. Poverty, food shortages and unemployment fanned these tensions and shook the Indira Gandhi regime, which till 1972 had been basking in the glory of victory over Pakistan in the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971. The roots of the political crisis that led to Emergency lay in the factional politics of Congress. In 1964, the political ambitions of Morarji Desai and Jagjivan Ram to succeed Jawaharlal Nehru were thwarted by the popularity of Lal Bahadur Shastri, whom Nehru had covertly groomed. Shastri made Gandhi a minister as he wanted to have the tag of 'Nehru legitimacy'(initially, Gandhi had been reluctant, but faced with the prospect of Shastri opting for her aunt, Vijayalaxmi Pandit, instead, she agreed). When Shastri passed away in Tashkent in January 1966, the choice fell upon Gandhi. Morarji lost out yet again. He challenged her again after the 1967 general election, which saw the Congress retain the Lok Sabha by a slender majority and lose power in the entire Indo-Gangetic plains to Opposition coalitions. Yet again, Gandhi prevailed. Morarji was a pivot of the Navnirman Movement and a prominent face of the JP agitation. He replaced Gandhi as Prime Minister in March 1977. The Congress split in 1969 began with her dropping Desai from her cabinet. The internal bickering in the Grand Old Party led to its split in 1969. A veneer of ideology was sought to be put on the split, but the intrinsic reason was a clash of personal ambitions. A section of the party wanted to throw off the Nehru yoke. The 1969 split made Gandhi lose the majority in the Lok Sabha, though she survived, thanks to the support extended by DMK and CPI leaders. To overcome this handicap, Gandhi called for elections one year before they were due, in 1971. Opposition united in what came to be known as the 'Grand Alliance' to challenge her. But the Congress, which had a slender majority in 1967, returned with over 350 seats in 1971. Irrepressible socialist leader Raj Narain, who had later defeated Gandhi in 1977, lost to her at Rae Bareli in 1971. He challenged the result in a petition before the Allahabad High Court on the grounds that Gandhi had used unfair practices to win. Raj Narain was represented by Shanti Bhushan, while Gandhi was defended by eminent jurist Nani Palkhivala. The latter had to take the witness stand in this case, which she lost on June 12, 1975. Palkhivala quit the case in protest when the Emergency was imposed as a consequence. Judge Jagmohan Lal Sinha dismissed charges of bribery but held that Gandhi had misused official machinery as her aide, Yashpal Kapoor's resignation had not been formally accepted when he began campaigning (Kapoor had resigned before leaving Delhi, but the formality of acceptance was pending). Justice Sinha gave the Congress 20 days to elect someone to discharge Gandhi's duties. Her resignation was demanded overtly by the opposition parties, but there were murmurs within the Congress as well. Initially, Gandhi toyed with the idea that Sardar Swaran Singh, who had been a minister since Nehru's days in 1952, be sworn in as Prime Minister while she stepped down and got herself cleared by the Supreme Court. Babu Jagjivan Ram, who was minister since his induction in the Interim Government of 1946, felt he should be chosen instead, though Gandhi was not confident that he would step aside when she won her case. This despite the fact that in 1969, she had relied upon Jagjivan Ram to head her faction of the Congress. The Election Commission's 1971 results record two Congress parties - the Indira faction's overwhelming 350+ results are credited to Congress (Jagjivan Ram), and 16 seats are credited to Congress (Organization). After the Emergency was imposed, on July 5, Jagjivan Ram moved the official resolution in Parliament for its approval. And after Gandhi relaxed Emergency on January 20, 1977, to hold elections, Jagjivan Ram on February 2 walked out of the Congress to form Congress for Democracy (CFD), which became an ally of the Opposition combine that ousted the Indira regime in March 1977. Apart from Jagjivan Ram, the then Congress President, Dev Kanta Barooah, who later was to be remembered for his 'India is Indira' slogan, raised Gandhi's suspicion by suggesting that till she is cleared by courts, she could swap places with him, making him the Prime Minister with she heading the party. This suggestion apparently had gained currency at a meeting of MPs held at 12 Safdarjung Road, the residence of Minister Chandrajit Yadav. Indira Gandhi's Principal Secretary, Prof PN Dhar, has recorded in his memoirs that the then Intelligence Bureau (IB) Director, Atma Jayram, had submitted a report suggesting that not more than 159 of the 350 party MPs would support Gandhi if there were to be a show of strength. The rest of the MPs' loyalties were divided - with Yashwant Rao Chavan heading the list with 17 supporters, and others having even less. In 1972, in the Shimla session of Congress, 'Young Turk' Chandrashekhar created history by getting elected to the Congress Working Committee despite Gandhi's opposition. The IB's report to Dhar stated that Young Turks had the biggest block - of 25 MPs - opposed to Gandhi's continuation. Chandra Shekhar was arrested as Emergency was imposed. When the Janata Party was launched on May 1, 1977, he became its President. He also briefly served as Prime Minister in 1990-91 after the fall of the VP Singh government. Thus, it was not merely JP's call to the army, police and government servants on June 25 from the Ramlila Ground - ' Aap roti ke tukdo par bikey nahin hain,aapne imaan nahin bech diya hai ' - which prompted the Emergency, as was cited by Home Ministry documents placed before Parliament on July 21, 1977, to justify the action. Internal threat to her leadership from within the Congress also played a part.
Hindustan Times
7 days ago
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Book critically examines key decisions of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
New Delhi, Embattled Sheikh Hasina has to first reform her party Awami League and dump the corrupt to stage any comeback, says a new book which critically examines several key decisions of her father and first Bangladesh president Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Book critically examines key decisions of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman In "Mujib's Blunders: The Powers and the Plot Behind His Killing", author Manash Ghosh also argues that the 2024 students' revolution that forced Hasina out from office and the caretaker government's quiet decision to drop Mujib's honorific 'Father of the Nation' follow a script first drafted in 1975 when the Bangabandhu was assassinated along with several members of his family in a predawn coup. The book, published by Niyogi Books, is a sequel to Ghosh's "Bangladesh War: Report from Ground Zero" . It dealt with his coverage of the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War for The Statesman. The author says political turbulence will gather more steam and instability will continue to haunt Bangladesh, as there will be more such violent regime changes waiting in the wings to happen. "This is because I firmly believe that Sheikh Hasina's Awami League is no political pushover and is far from a vanquished force and will seek to reassert its rightful presence in the country's mainstream politics," he writes. "But there is no doubt that while the party and its leaders try to do that, both will be subjected to long phases of repression and persecution which will keep the nation and its neighbouring Indian states politically unsettled," he adds. According to Ghosh, all those who have gone gaga over Hasina's banishment from power and view the subsequent developments to be the end of the road for her are being too presumptuous. "They are not aware of her indomitable courage and resilience with which she has staged a comeback from far more hopeless and worse situations," he says. "For someone who lost all her near and loved ones in gory killings in one night at the hands of the country's military and survived almost 28 assassination attempts, including the deadly grenade attack again in August 2004 on her life, the latest developments can at best be called a setback," he adds. Moreover, the author writes, Hasina and her 80-year-old party, the Awami League, are no pushovers as "both carry a rich tradition and legacy of service and sacrifice for the people and the Bengali nation". "But for staging a comeback she has to first reform the party and refurbish its image by dumping the corrupt and the 'Pakistani Trojans' in the party without doing which it will surely face extinction," he argues. The author also claims that there are striking similarities between what happened preceding August 15, 1975, when Mujib, along with 18 of his family members, was killed in a bloodbath, and that which occurred almost 50 years later, on August 5, 2024, again in Dhaka, when Hasina was ousted from power in a bloodless coup. This article was generated from an automated news agency feed without modifications to text.
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Business Standard
19-06-2025
- Politics
- Business Standard
As Munir meets Trump, a look at the past legacy of Pak's military chiefs
Since achieving independence in 1947, Pakistan's military leadership has seen a very close engagement with the political, economic, and foreign relations of the country. Army chiefs have not only led coups and managed wars, but they have also shaped and controlled the frameworks within which states operate. The evolution of power has transitioned through two key titles, Commander-in-Chief (1947-1972) and Chief of Army Staff (COAS) from 1972 onwards. This long arc of military dominance reached a new milestone on Wednesday (June 18), when General Asim Munir, Pakistan's current army chief, held a direct meeting with US President Donald Trump at the White House. This was the first time a sitting Pakistani Chief of Army Staff, who was not a politician or ruling under martial law, was formally received at such a high diplomatic level, which indicates the global weight of the military organisation. Over the years, each army chief stamps a different mark as the organisation transformed with coups, wars, diplomacy to commercialising itself. Here is an overview of how subsequent military leaders have shaped the civil-military relationship in Pakistan and extended the army's role in statecraft. Field Marshal Muhammad Ayub Khan (1951–1958) This legacy began with Field Marshal Muhammad Ayub Khan when he served as the Commander-in-Chief from 1951 to 1958 as the United States increased its military aid to Pakistan. A series of events led Ayub Khan to seize power in a military coup in 1958, cloaked as a necessary response to civilian mismanagement. He set up an operational "developmental dictatorship," consolidating economic and administrative power and dividing profits with military elites through the Fauji Foundation and massive parcels of land. His rule ended with a negotiated settlement that reestablished its international martial image when the 1965 war with India came to an end. His rule established a future pattern: seize power, entrench economically, and command diplomacy. General Muhammad Musa Khan (1958-1966) Following him, General Muhammad Musa Khan (1958-1966), a symbolic figure installed by Ayub, extended the same centralised authority and military privileges without initiating a new coup. He remained involved during the 1965 war and supported the Ayub-era political-economic framework. General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan (1966-1971) General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan (1966-1971) assumed power after Ayub's resignation, imposing martial law to address a growing crisis in East Pakistan. He disbanded the parliament and cracked down on dissent, centralising authority in West Pakistan. His tenure ended in catastrophe during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War, as Pakistan faced military defeat and diplomatic isolation, ultimately leading to the creation of Pakistan. This marked a big rupture in the myth of Pakistan's military invincibility and exposed the limitations of authoritarian rule. Lt. Gen. Gul Hassan Khan (Dec 1971-Mar 1972) Lt. Gen. Gul Hassan Khan briefly served from December 1971 to March 1972 during a transitional phase. His role was largely ceremonial, presiding over a caretaker military command during national disintegration. General Tikka Khan (1972-1976) In the post-1971 period, General Tikka Khan (1972-1976) was appointed COAS under Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. He initiated military restructuring and oversaw violent campaigns in Balochistan. While supporting Bhutto's nationalisation efforts, he ensured the military retained its institutional privileges. Diplomatically, he repositioned the military after the 1971 setback, marking the army's re-entry as a core power broker in civilian governance. General Zia??'ul??'Haq (1976-1988) General Zia??'ul??'Haq (1976-1988) executed a coup in 1977, Operation Fair Play, after fuelling political unrest. He imposed martial law, institutionalised Islamisation, and expanded military economic interests through the Defence Housing Authority, Fauji Foundation, and other welfare corporations. His foreign policy pivoted around alignment with the United States during the Soviet-Afghan War. While remaining neutral during the Iran-Iraq conflict, Zia actively supported Afghan Mujahideen. His rule left a legacy of ideological, political, and commercial militarisation. Weak generals in turbulent times After Zia's death in 1988, General Mirza Aslam Beg (1988-1991) facilitated a return to electoral democracy but ensured the National Security Council (NSC) retained supervisory authority. He maintained behind-the-scenes influence over fragile civilian administrations. General Asif Nawaz Janjua (1991-1993), selected on the basis of seniority, died unexpectedly in office. His brief tenure did not register any significant political or economic shift. General Abdul Waheed Kakar (1993-1996) took charge amid political unrest. He influenced the dismissal and restructuring of governments and continued to utilise the NSC as a policy advisory instrument. General Jehangir Karamat (1996-1998) assumed command under constitutional norms but was forced to resign after advocating parliamentary oversight of the NSC, an action that exposed military discomfort with civilian checks. General Pervez Musharraf (1998-2007) In 1998, General Pervez Musharraf seized power after the Kargil War in a coup against the Nawaz Sharif government, citing administrative failures. His regime restructured the Constitution, liberalised the economy, and significantly expanded military-led business ventures. Under Musharraf, Pakistan allied with the United States during the post-9/11 global war on terror and maintained strong ties with China and Gulf states. His controversial Kargil campaign attracted international condemnation and resulted in retreat under US pressure. Musharraf's leadership institutionalised the military's supremacy in politics and global diplomacy. The post-Musharraf era General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani (2007-2013), a Musharraf appointee, led during the post-coup normalisation period. Though he projected a reduced public military footprint, his tenure ensured continued control of the NSC and Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). Appointed in 2013 by Kayani, General Raheel Sharif (2013-2016) prioritised counter-terror operations, particularly Operation Zarb??'e??'Azb, and expanded the army's role in infrastructure under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). He largely avoided political entanglement while engaging internationally to secure infrastructure investment. General Qamar Javed Bajwa (2016-2022) assumed command over senior contenders and received two extensions from Parliament. His tenure deepened military involvement in electoral processes, most notably engineering the rise of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and orchestrating the 2022 regime change. Under him, the military strengthened its economic stakes in CPEC and intensified diplomatic alignment while tightening domestic political control. Field Marshal General Asim Munir (2022-present) General Asim Munir, the current Chief of Army Staff (COAS), assumed office in November 2022 amid political upheaval. In May 2025, he was elevated to the rank of Field Marshal, only the second in Pakistan's history after Ayub Khan. Munir's tenure has seen the reintroduction of military courts to prosecute civilian dissenters and a major expansion of 'milbus' (military-business) interests across mining, agriculture, and infrastructure. His leadership was tested during the April-May 2025 conflict with India, triggered by the Pahalgam terror attack. India responded with Operation Sindoor, targeting Pakistani military installations. Pakistan retaliated with Operation Bunyan??'um??'Marsoos. A ceasefire was reached on May 10. Munir emerged as a national hero, with a dramatic increase in public approval. On June 18, he attended a high-profile White House lunch hosted by U.S. President Donald Trump, where discussions focused on regional stability, Iran, and Indo-Pak relations. Munir has since broadened military diplomacy, finalising jet deals with China, strengthening ties with Gulf nations, and elevating Pakistan's engagement in the United Nations Security Council and the International Monetary Fund. So far, his legacy is marked by unprecedented consolidation of military power in both state and commercial spheres. However, critics warn of an authoritarian drift and an increasingly militarised political landscape. Over the course of seven decades, Pakistan's army chiefs have followed a familiar blueprint: seize control through coups or exploit crises, institutionalise their authority via the NSC and influence over the judiciary and bureaucracy, monetise power through sprawling military business empires and justify their hold through war and diplomacy.
