logo
#

Latest news with #BarbaraPerry

‘Frightening': How Trump is testing the limits of US presidential power like no modern leader before
‘Frightening': How Trump is testing the limits of US presidential power like no modern leader before

Malay Mail

time2 days ago

  • Business
  • Malay Mail

‘Frightening': How Trump is testing the limits of US presidential power like no modern leader before

WASHINGTON, July 20 — Donald Trump has spent six months testing the limits of his authority like no other modern US president, say analysts — browbeating Congress and the courts in a power grab that may come to define his second term. Since January, the Republican leader has repeatedly pushed to secure more power for himself, calling for judges to be axed, firing independent watchdogs and sidestepping the legislative process. Barbara Perry, a University of Virginia professor and an expert on the presidency, called Trump's successes in shattering the restraints on his office 'frightening.' 'All presidents have been subject to Congress's and the Supreme Court's checks on their power, as well as splits in their own political parties,' she said. 'Trump has faced almost none of these counterpoints in this second term.' It is all a far cry from his first stint in office, when Trump and his supporters believe he was hamstrung by investigations and 'deep state' officials seeking to frustrate his agenda. But those guardrails have looked brittle this time around as Trump has fired federal workers, dismantled government departments and sent military troops into the streets to quell protest. He has also sought to exert his influence well beyond traditional presidential reach, ruthlessly targeting universities and the press, and punishing law firms he believes have crossed him. Checks and balances The US system of checks and balances — the administration, the courts and Congress as equal but separate branches of government — is designed to ensure no one amasses too much power. But when it comes to Trump's agenda — whether ending diversity efforts and birthright citizenship or freezing foreign aid — he has largely dodged the hard work of shepherding bills through Congress. Policies have instead been enacted by presidential edict. Six months in, Trump has already announced more second-term executive orders than any American leader since Dwight Eisenhower in the 1950s. He has even sought to bend the economy to his will, escalating attacks on the chief of the independent central bank in a bid to lower interest rates. Once a robust restraining force against presidential overreach, the Republican-led Congress has largely forsaken its oversight role, foregoing the investigations that previous presidents have faced. That has left the judiciary as the main gatekeeper. But Trump has managed partly to neuter the authority of the federal bench too, winning a Supreme Court opinion that mostly reduces the reach of judges' rulings to their own states. In his first term the high court made Trump immune from prosecution for actions taken as part of his official duties — no matter how criminal. And almost every time Trump has turned to the country's highest legal tribunal to rein in the lower courts in his second term, it has obliged. Sole authority His long shadow has extended far beyond Washington's institutions, pushing into private realms his predecessors avoided. Trump has picked fights with elite universities, prestigious law firms and the press — threatening funding or their ability to do business. The arts haven't escaped his clunking fist either, with the 79-year-old taking over the running of the Kennedy Center in Washington. Trump has claimed falsely that the US Constitution gives him the right to do whatever he wants as the ultimate authority over government activities. This so-called 'unitary executive theory' was pushed in the 'Project 2025' blueprint for government produced by Trump's right-wing allies during last year's election campaign. Although he disavowed 'Project 2025' after it became politically toxic, Trump's own platform made the same claims for expansive presidential powers. Pessimistic about the other branches' ability to hold the administration to account, the minority Democrats have largely been limited to handwringing in press conferences. Political strategist Andrew Koneschusky, a former senior Democratic Senate aide, believes the checks on Trump's authority may ultimately have to be political rather than legal or constitutional. He points to Trump's tanking polling numbers — especially on his signature issue of immigration following mass deportations of otherwise law-abiding undocumented migrants. 'It's not entirely comforting that politics and public opinion are the primary checks on his power,' Koneschusky said. 'It would be better to see Congress flex its muscle as a co-equal branch of government. But it's at least something.' — AFP

‘Frightening': Trump's historic power grab worries experts
‘Frightening': Trump's historic power grab worries experts

Arab News

time2 days ago

  • Business
  • Arab News

‘Frightening': Trump's historic power grab worries experts

WASHINGTON: Donald Trump has spent six months testing the limits of his authority like no other modern US president, say analysts — browbeating Congress and the courts in a power grab that may come to define his second term. Since January, the Republican leader has repeatedly pushed to secure more power for himself, calling for judges to be axed, firing independent watchdogs and sidestepping the legislative process. Barbara Perry, a University of Virginia professor and an expert on the presidency, called Trump's successes in shattering the restraints on his office 'frightening.' 'All presidents have been subject to Congress's and the Supreme Court's checks on their power, as well as splits in their own political parties,' she said. 'Trump has faced almost none of these counterpoints in this second term.' It is all a far cry from his first stint in office, when Trump and his supporters believe he was hamstrung by investigations and 'deep state' officials seeking to frustrate his agenda. But those guardrails have looked brittle this time around as Trump has fired federal workers, dismantled government departments and sent military troops into the streets to quell protest. He has also sought to exert his influence well beyond traditional presidential reach, ruthlessly targeting universities and the press, and punishing law firms he believes have crossed him. Checks and balances The US system of checks and balances — the administration, the courts and Congress as equal but separate branches of government — is designed to ensure no one amasses too much power. But when it comes to Trump's agenda — whether ending diversity efforts and birthright citizenship or freezing foreign aid — he has largely dodged the hard work of shepherding bills through Congress. Policies have instead been enacted by presidential edict. Six months in, Trump has already announced more second-term executive orders than any American leader since Dwight Eisenhower in the 1950s. He has even sought to bend the economy to his will, escalating attacks on the chief of the independent central bank in a bid to lower interest rates. Once a robust restraining force against presidential overreach, the Republican-led Congress has largely forsaken its oversight role, foregoing the investigations that previous presidents have faced. That has left the judiciary as the main gatekeeper. But Trump has managed partly to neuter the authority of the federal bench too, winning a Supreme Court opinion that mostly reduces the reach of judges' rulings to their own states. In his first term the high court made Trump immune from prosecution for actions taken as part of his official duties — no matter how criminal. And almost every time Trump has turned to the country's highest legal tribunal to rein in the lower courts in his second term, it has obliged. 'Project 2025' His long shadow has extended far beyond Washington's institutions, pushing into private realms his predecessors avoided. Trump has picked fights with elite universities, prestigious law firms and the press — threatening funding or their ability to do business. The arts haven't escaped his clunking fist either, with the 79-year-old taking over the running of the Kennedy Center in Washington. Trump has claimed falsely that the US Constitution gives him the right to do whatever he wants as the ultimate authority over government activities. This so-called 'unitary executive theory' was pushed in the 'Project 2025' blueprint for government produced by Trump's right-wing allies during last year's election campaign. Although he disavowed 'Project 2025' after it became politically toxic, Trump's own platform made the same claims for expansive presidential powers. Pessimistic about the other branches' ability to hold the administration to account, the minority Democrats have largely been limited to handwringing in press conferences. Political strategist Andrew Koneschusky, a former senior Democratic Senate aide, believes the checks on Trump's authority may ultimately have to be political rather than legal or constitutional. He points to Trump's tanking polling numbers — especially on his signature issue of immigration following mass deportations of otherwise law-abiding undocumented migrants. 'It's not entirely comforting that politics and public opinion are the primary checks on his power,' Koneschusky said. 'It would be better to see Congress flex its muscle as a co-equal branch of government. But it's at least something.'

Violent extremists are using antisemitism to recruit in Canada: CSIS report
Violent extremists are using antisemitism to recruit in Canada: CSIS report

CBC

time20-02-2025

  • Politics
  • CBC

Violent extremists are using antisemitism to recruit in Canada: CSIS report

Ideologically motivated violent extremist groups are using antisemitism in a bid to recruit followers and inspire violence, according to a report from Canada's spy agency. The report dated May 2024, released under the access to information law by the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS), said the extremist groups are also tapping into current events, such as the Israel-Hamas conflict, to build support. "Ideologically Motivated Violent Extremists routinely weave antisemitic commentary into their narratives in order to inspire violence and recruit individuals," says the report. "These new adherents, in turn, use antisemitic commentary, often tailored to current events, in order to disseminate violent messaging." "Thus, antisemitic beliefs, with violent undertones, are disseminated jointly to an ever-expanding circle of recipients." The report, obtained by the University of Ottawa's Samuelson-Glushko Canadian Internet Policy and Public Interest Clinic and shared with CBC News, says much of that antisemitic content is circulated via social media. "Social media is the main pathway for the consumption of antisemitic and violent extremist content, be it via popular rhetoric available from mainstream providers, or via influencers who actively convey antisemitic content or conspiracy theories," says the report. "The narratives encourage hate crimes, violence and terrorism." The report says the continual increase in incidents targeting the Jewish community will normalize antisemitism in mainstream Canadian society and will likely be exacerbated by the conflict in the Middle East. It also says pro-Palestinian protests and university encampments "are unlikely to lead to or be staging grounds for violent extremist acts." The agency places a number of different groups into the category of Ideologically Motivated Violent Extremist (IMVE) including far-right extremists, anti-authority groups, anarchists, xenophobic violence and violence related to gender such as incels and anti-2SLGBTQ+ groups. Religiously Motivated Violent Extremist (RMVE) groups such as those that support Al-Qaida or Daesh, also known as the Islamic State, fall into a separate category. While the report says it is difficult to measure the precise level of antisemitism in Canada, it says the number of hate-motivated incidents directed at the Jewish and Arab/Muslim communities reported to police since Oct 7, 2023, have risen. Barbara Perry, director of the Centre on Hate, Bias and Extremism at Ontario Tech University, said the use of antisemitism by extremist groups isn't well known by the public but experts have seen it for some time — particularly by far-right groups. "Antisemitism is always part of the narrative and when it can be exploited as blatantly as this, there's no hesitation in doing so," she said. However, they don't just use antisemitism, Perry pointed out. "The far right is playing both sides here. They're promoting antisemitism but they're also promoting anti-Muslim and anti-Arab sentiment at the same time. [Gaza] is a win-win situation for them." Perry said it could prompt lone actors who are part of the network to take action. "It's not group-based violence that I think is a fear here — I think it is individual acts of violence, motivated and shaped by what they are consuming in those online spaces and that is very difficult to identify." Given that attacks on Jewish institutions often occur in the middle of the night, it can be hard to know who was responsible, Perry said. "Clearly it was antisemitic but what exactly were the motivations? Did it come from the left? Did it come from the right? Does it come from Muslim-affiliated or Islamic-inspired extremists? We just have no way of knowing with those kinds of events." Phil Gurski, president of Borealis Threat and Risk Consulting and a former CSIS analyst, said he thinks the greater threat of violent extremism comes from Islamist groups. "Over the past 10 years the government has under-represented the threat from Islamist groups and over-represented the threat from far-right groups which they call IMVE," he said. Gurski said there have been several arrests of Islamist-inspired groups or individuals planning attacks in Canada. "We've had virtually no arrests on the far right," he said. Gurski said there is an increase in online rhetoric but the challenge for security services is determining which of the people or groups being monitored risk going from being a keyboard warrior to carrying out an attack. "The vast, vast majority of people who say anything online, never do a damn thing. They talk the talk, they don't walk the walk." Andrew Kirsch, principal of the Kirsch Group and a former CSIS intelligence officer, said it isn't surprising that extremists, both religious and ideologically motivated, would try to use antisemitism and the conflict in the Middle East to inspire violent acts. "They are all using current events to their ends and push on people's buttons to align with their cause and antisemitism fits in a lot of buckets, unfortunately," he said. Austin Parcels, manager of research and advocacy for Jewish advocacy group B'nai Brith Canada, said the CSIS report confirms something his group believes has long been happening. "Antisemitism is not just hatred — it's a recruitment tool for extremists and IMVE groups are embedding themselves within broader movements in order to normalize antisemitism, radicalization, justification for violence," Parcels said. "We've seen these groups hiding [behind] a thin veneer of things like anti-colonialism or post-modernism but all while calling for the eradication of the Jewish State."

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store