Latest news with #Bharatiya
NDTV
9 hours ago
- Business
- NDTV
Fake App, Fake Profit: Pilot Loses Rs 3.16 Crore In Share Market Investment Fraud
Mumbai: A 56-year-old pilot was allegedly cheated of Rs 3.16 crore by cyber fraudsters under the guise of offering attractive returns in share trading, Mumbai Police said on Wednesday. The scam unfolded after the pilot watched videos on share market investments on a YouTube channel he had subscribed to. "After watching the videos in May, the pilot received a call from a woman on WhatsApp. She introduced herself as an assistant mentor and claimed to be working with SMC Global Securities," a police official said. The pilot was then added to a WhatsApp group and started receiving investment tips. After some days, the woman asked him to download the SMC Global Securities app. He subsequently invested in shares as per the tips. He deposited over Rs 3.16 crore in various bank accounts shared by the woman until July 11, the police official said. The pilot's wife had downloaded the app and found that her investment generated Rs 6.73 crore profit, while the profit in her husband's account showed Rs 15.82 crore. On July 11, the pilot, who works with Air India, contacted the company as he wanted to withdraw the money. The call was attended by an 'official' of the securities company who asked him to deposit an additional 10 per cent. The pilot realised that he was being taken for a ride and lodged a complaint with the National Cyber Crime Reporting Portal and approached West Region Cyber Police Station on July 19, the official said. Police registered a case against unidentified cyber fraudsters under relevant sections of the Bharatiya Nyay Sanhita and the Information Technology Act, he said, adding that further investigation is underway.
News18
2 days ago
- Politics
- News18
Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh: A Legacy Of 70 Years, A Future Of Hope
Over the decades, the BMS has played a vital role in transforming India's labour sector Dattopant Thengadiji, the founder of Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS), often remarked that BMS was a 'Sangh Srushti" – a creation of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). He founded the organisation under the able guidance of Guruji Golwalkar, the second Sarsanghchalak of the RSS. Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh was the last of the major central trade union organisations to be formed, after AITUC, INTUC, HMS, and others. Yet, within just 34 years, it rose to become the largest Central Trade Union in the country. Throughout its journey, the BMS championed issues often ignored by other unions. India has a rich tradition of a powerful trade union movement. Much of the progress and rights enjoyed by workers today are the result of tireless struggles led by towering figures like Mahatma Gandhi, Dr BR Ambedkar, and Dattopant Thengadiji, who were also eminent leaders of the trade union movement. The BMS has been at the forefront in ensuring decent wages and working conditions for the workers. But it always thought beyond bread and butter. It has been distinguished by its deeply nationalist character. Its rallying call in the labour sector was 'Nationalise the Labour'. It firmly rejected both 'political unionism" and mere 'bread and butter trade unionism". In negotiations, the BMS advocated not just for the workers but considered society at large as a third and most critical stakeholder in all industrial matters, apart from workers and employers. While striving for better wages and improved working conditions, the BMS consistently emphasised that workers' efforts must contribute meaningfully to nation-building. This balancing vision was captured in its inspiring slogan: 'Desh ke hit mein karenge kaam, kaam ke lenge poore daam' ('We shall work in the nation's interest, and receive full wages for our work'). In times of national crisis, the BMS consistently called upon Indian labour to rise in service of the nation. During the Chinese aggression in 1962, the Indo-Pak wars of 1965 and 1971, and the liberation of Bangladesh, the BMS mobilised like-minded trade unions to form the Rashtriya Mazdoor Morcha to support the government's war efforts. It also suspended all protests and demands during these periods. True to its cultural roots, the BMS has promoted a trade union movement grounded in the Bharatiya ethos. It celebrates Vishwakarma Jayanti on September 17 as National Labour Day—an alternative to May Day. May Day is observed in remembrance of a failed struggle that ultimately weakened the trade union movement in the United States, where the events associated with May Day originally took place. In India, Vishwakarma symbolises the dignity and noble status of labour in society. Today, several states officially observe a holiday on this day. Landmark contributions in the service of labour The BMS has been at the forefront of many groundbreaking labour reforms. Wages constitute the most critical element in fulfilling the economic aspirations of the labour. The BMS was the first to critically study and expose flaws in the calculation of the Consumer Price Index (CPI), the basis for determining Dearness Allowance. Despite initial opposition from other unions like INTUC and HMS, who later came to endorse it, the movement gained momentum, culminating in a successful Mumbai Bandh on 20th August 1963. The government eventually appointed the Lakdawala Committee to revise CPI methodology. The BMS championed the principle that the bonus is a deferred wage, advocating the slogan 'Bonus for All" – a position later adopted by all major stakeholders in the labour sector. The First National Commission on Labour, chaired by Justice Gajendragadkar, was established in 1967. The BMS made an exhaustive submission before the Commission outlining a comprehensive set of demands for the welfare of labour. In 1971, the BMS took up the issue of domestic workers, recognising that they lacked both legal protection and formal recognition within the labour framework. The BMS established the Gharelu Kamgar Sangh in Mumbai. A massive rally of around 60,000 domestic workers took place during BMS's third national conference on 22-23 May 1972. In 1974, the Bharatiya Railway Mazdoor Sangh played a pivotal role in the national railway strike along with other unions. While some other unions contemplated damaging national property during the strike, the BMS firmly insisted that the strike be carried out without harming any national assets. The struggle continued without causing any loss of national property. A voice of resistance in times of oppression On July 26, 1976, Indira Gandhi imposed the Emergency. In response, the Lok Sangarsh Samiti was formed, and a joint circular was issued by BMS, CITU, HMS, and HMKP. While leaders of other central trade unions were later afraid and reluctant to continue the agitation against the autocratic rule, the BMS took to the streets, resulting in the arrest of more than 5,000 of its activists, with around 111 imprisoned under the oppressive MISA law. The courageous resistance and the sacrifices made by the BMS during the Emergency won the confidence of workers across the country. It led to a period of growth for the organisation after the Emergency was lifted in 1977. Representing the BMS for the first time, Thengadiji attended the 63rd session of the International Labour Conference of the ILO in Geneva, Switzerland, in 1977 as part of the Indian delegation. By 1980, the BMS was declared the second-largest Central Trade Union in the country by the Congress Government, next to INTUC. Following this, the BMS was officially included in every Indian trade union delegation to international conferences and forums such as the ILO. Finally, based on the 1989 verification conducted by the then Congress government, the BMS was declared the largest central trade union in the country by the same Government. Consequently, in the 1990s, the BMS was entrusted with the responsibility of leading Indian delegations to the ILO and other international forums. By 1980, the Government officially recognised the BMS as the second-largest central trade union, after INTUC. Following the 1989 verification conducted by the Congress government, the BMS was declared the largest central trade union in the country. From the 1990s onwards, the BMS began leading Indian delegations to global labour fora, including the ILO. In 1980, leaders from various trade unions were invited to participate in the Viswakarma Jayanti celebrations, which BMS observed as Labour Day. On June 4, 1981, a National Campaign Committee comprising eight Central Trade Unions and National Industrial Federations, including the BMS, was formed to counter the government's flawed anti-labour policies. In 1986, 10 central trade unions once again united to form a common platform to address broader issues such as national unity, disarmament, and racial discrimination. The BMS welcomed this initiative and played a leading role in these activities with the vision of advancing world peace and harmony. During its seventh national conference in 1984, held in Hyderabad, BMS declared a 'War of Economic Independence Against Imperialism.' Technology, yes, but not at the cost of jobs The BMS firmly believes that technology and machines should assist, not replace, human workers. Given India's status as a labour-surplus country, the BMS asserts that technologies should be 'adapted' to suit Indian conditions rather than 'adopted' in their original form, as uncritical adoption may adversely impact employment. In line with this, the 1981 Hyderabad conference resolved to observe 1984 as 'Anti-Computerisation Year' in protest against labour-displacing devices. However, the BMS did not object to the use of computers in complex domains such as research, defence, meteorology, oceanography and the like. It also demanded a Round Table Conference involving all stakeholders to deliberate on the job-displacing impacts of computerisation, particularly in sectors like banking. Four decades later, the world is once again engaged in the same debate, raising similar concerns and arguments in response to the growing spread of artificial intelligence and robotics. The BMS has adopted a distinctive policy of 'responsive co-operation" toward successive governments, regardless of political affiliation. Replacing class conflict with harmony On the international front, the BMS replaced the class-divisive Communist slogan 'Workers of the World, Unite!' with its message of harmony: 'Workers, Unite the World!' The BMS has maintained positive relationships with global trade union movements. Notably, the BMS was invited as a special guest to the pro-Communist Conference of the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) in Moscow in November 1991. At this conference, Prabhakar Ghate presented before the World, the BMS's apolitical ideals for a genuine trade union movement. When the ILO proposed incorporating a social clause in trade agreements with developing countries, the BMS strongly opposed the move. The social clause, which aimed to prohibit imports from countries allegedly using child labour, would have jeopardised export prospects for nations like India and Nepal. The then BMS representative, R Venugopal, mobilised many developing nations against it. To empower women workers, the BMS established its women's wing during the 1981 conference in Kolkata. In April 1994, the Sarvapanth Samadar Manch was founded to foster religious harmony in India's diverse cultural landscape. In 1995, the 'Paryavaran Manch' was launched to address rising environmental concerns, such as the rising levels of industrial pollution and their adverse effects. The initiative championed the Bharatiya ethos that 'Mother Nature should be milked, not exploited'. To safeguard the nation's economic interests in global forums, the BMS organised a massive rally on April 16, 2001 at Ram Lila Grounds in New Delhi, attended by lakhs of workers. The rally highlighted the potential dangers of blindly following WTO policies, with the slogan: 'WTO Modo, Todo, Ya Chodo (Change WTO, Break It, or Quit It)'. The BMS regards labour as the true capital and promotes the concept of 'Labourisation of Industry'. This approach was successfully piloted in Calcutta Jute Mills and other industries for a considerable period. Labourisation encompasses three components: a share in capital investment, participation in management, and proportional profit sharing. The BMS asserted that labour participation should go beyond tokenism on boards of directors; workers should be prioritised in the allotment of company shares and in the distribution of profits. The Vajpeyi Government constituted the Second National Commission on Labour under the chairmanship of Ravindra Verma. While leftist trade unions boycotted the commission, the BMS submitted a comprehensive memorandum addressing labour's varied needs in June 2001. When the commission made anti-worker recommendations on eight key issues, Saji Narayanan CK, a member of the Commission and representative of the BMS, submitted a dissenting note that drew widespread attention in labour circles. One media outlet wrote, the dissenting note of BMS would be remembered more than the Commission's report itself. A leader in modern labour movements On November 23, 2011, the BMS held a historic rally in Delhi, attended by nearly 2 lakh workers, which was an unprecedented show of strength in recent decades. In that event, BMS declared the beginning of a sustained agitation. The show of strength inspired other trade unions, and on the very next day, their leaders came to the BMS office to plan joint actions, accepting the leadership of BMS. Two nationwide strikes followed on 28th March 2012 and 20-21 February 2013, by all the central Trade Unions together under BMS leadership. These actions had a significant impact, drawing serious attention from the government, employers, media and all those related to labour. For the first time, then Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh directly intervened at the eleventh hour and appointed a group of four ministers to engage with trade unions and address their demands. During the Indian Labour Conference held in Delhi on May 17, 2013, the Prime Minister openly recognised the demands of trade unions, rekindling hope and enthusiasm among workers across the country. The 46th Indian Labour Conference, held on July 20-21, 2015 after a gap of more than two years, marked a turning point amid turbulent labour conditions. During the conference, in a committee on 'Labour Law Reforms' chaired by the BMS representative, all three social partners — employers' organisations, the 11 central trade unions, and government representatives from both the Centre and the States — unanimously agreed upon three foundational pillars for all future labour legislations: (i) the rights and welfare of workers; (ii) the sustainability of enterprises and job creation; and (iii) industrial peace. When the four Labour Codes were in the drafting stage, a team of BMS activists actively participated in the Government's consultation process, while other Central Trade Unions belonging to opposition parties chose to boycott it. As a result of BMS's proactive engagement, several major pro-labour reforms, particularly steps toward the universalisation of labour benefits, were successfully incorporated into the Codes. However, certain clauses still contain provisions that remain a cause of serious concern. Thus, the Code on Wages and the Code on Social Security are considered historic and revolutionary in many respects. Nevertheless, BMS remains committed to its ongoing struggle to amend the anti-worker provisions in the remaining two Codes. Under the leadership of BMS, the Central Trade Unions raised a 12-point joint Charter of Demands (as revised on June 24, 2014) before the Government and declared a national strike on September 2, 2015. In response, the Prime Minister, Shri Narendra Modi, constituted a Group of Five Ministers, led by Finance Minister Shri Arun Jaitley, to engage in wide-ranging consultations with all 11 Central Trade Unions regarding the demands. These consultations were held on August 26 and 27, 2015. After extensive discussions, the Government took a historic step by either fully or partially accepting nearly 10 out of the 12 demands. Emphasising the critical role of trade unions, the Finance Minister assured all Central Trade Unions that any labour law reforms would be undertaken only after thorough tripartite consultations. In light of the Government's proactive efforts to address the Charter of Demands, BMS decided to postpone the strike. However, the central trade unions affiliated with opposition political parties chose to proceed with the strike, despite the majority of demands having been accepted. The strike, without the participation of the BMS, failed to make any significant impact. This development marked a clear separation between 'labour welfare" and 'labour politics." Since then, opposition trade unions have continued to organise frequent politically motivated strikes ceremoniously, without BMS involvement and without making any meaningful impact on the labour landscape. During 2015-2016, the International Labour Organization (ILO) undertook a historic initiative to 'formalise the informal sector", conducting two years of global discussions on the matter. BMS delegate Shri Saji Narayanan C.K. was selected to represent the Asia-Pacific region in the ILO Workers' Group Steering Team for the two year period. He was invited to attend the key preparatory meeting of the workers' team held in Copenhagen, organised by the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), ahead of the ILO Conference. In 2020–21, while the world was in the grip of the COVID-19 pandemic, BMS carried out one of the largest service initiatives in the history of the trade union movement. District-level helplines were established, and extensive service activities were carried out at the grassroots level across the country. Tragically, the BMS lost around 600 of its senior activists in the process. BRICS and L20: An Indian voice in the global labour arena The BMS has also taken on a new role in global leadership. In 2016, for the first time, the BMS assumed the Presidency of the BRICS Trade Union Forum. The BRICS conference held in India that year received high praise from international delegates for its organisation and hospitality. In 2021, amid the pandemic, the BRICS TUF conference was once again held, this time online, under BMS's presidency. The year 2023 was a significant milestone as India hosted the G20 Summit under the Presidency of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Labour20 (L20), one of the key verticals of the summit, was chaired by BMS as India's largest central trade union. The L20 conference saw participation from representatives of 20+9 countries, making it the most widely represented L20 event to date. During both the BRICS and L20 conferences, the BMS proposed the idea of universalisation (antyodaya) of labour benefits, an idea that received unanimous appreciation and endorsement from all participating countries. During the Indo-Pak conflict in May 2025, the BMS declared its unwavering support for the soldiers guarding the nation's borders. Towards Antyodaya: A future to be built on firm foundations Today, the BMS comprises over 5,700 unions spanning approximately 60 labour sectors. These have been consolidated into 42 all-India federations active across diverse domains. Going forward, India will face two critical challenges in its labour sector: the vast size of the unorganised sector and the growing trend of contractualisation within the organised sector. India, unfortunately, holds the ignominious distinction of having the world's largest unorganised labour force. According to government statistics, 93.7% of the working population is in unorganised sector, falling outside the protection of labour laws and social security frameworks. Moreover, the increasing use of contract labour within the organised sector has created a vast number of 'islands" of unorganized labour within it. A stagnant manufacturing sector further pressured by the influx of Chinese goods and a non-profitable agricultural economy have placed a disproportionate burden on the already falling real wage levels and deteriorating working conditions of Indian labour. At its 2011 Jalgaon conference, the BMS resolved to focus all efforts on addressing issues in the unorganised sector by launching two key initiatives: 'March to Villages' and 'Organise the Unorganised'. The BMS has established a separate wing for unorganised workers, coordinated by senior members and supported by 12 national-level federations. Among them is the Akhil Bharatiya Vanvasi Gramin Mazdoor Mahasangh, one of the largest tribal federations, actively working in Madhya Pradesh and surrounding states. A nation cannot claim development while the majority of its working population languishes in low economic standards, poverty and vulnerability. Therefore, the BMS has steadfastly promoted the philosophy of antyodaya—upliftment of the last worker—as an essential component of its foundational ideology, Ekatma Manav Darshan'. The Bharatiya social order envisioned by Thengadi was deeply rooted in this concept. top videos View all Over the decades, the BMS has played a vital role in transforming India's labour sector and will continue this struggle until the vision of antyodaya is fully realised. Saji Narayanan CK is Former President, Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: July 22, 2025, 18:24 IST News opinion Opinion | Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh: A Legacy Of 70 Years, A Future Of Hope Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
Time of India
2 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
SC grants interim protection from arrest to social media influencer in Rahul Gandhi's Lok Sabha Speech Case
The Supreme Court granted interim protection from arrest to social media influencer and political commentator Raushan Sinha in connection with a case related to a post referencing an alleged controversial speech by Congress leader Rahul Gandhi . The relief was extended by a division bench of Justice Dipankar Datta and Justice Augustine George Masih during the hearing held on July 17, 2025. The Special Leave Petition (SLP) in the case was filed under Article 136 of the Constitution, challenging the judgment of the Telangana High Court dated April 3, 2025. Earlier, the Telangana High Court had refused to grant anticipatory bail to the petitioner. While directing him to appear before the Investigating Officer, the court did not offer any protection from arrest. Apprehensive of being arrested, Sinha did not comply with that order. The case originated from a statement allegedly made by Rahul Gandhi in the Lok Sabha on July 1, 2024, where he was heard saying, "Those who call themselves Hindus are 24 hours engaged in violence, hatred, and lies." The comment triggered sharp criticism and widespread media coverage. Subsequently, Raushan Sinha posted an image of Rahul Gandhi on his "X" (formerly Twitter) account with the caption: "Those who are Hindus are violent - Rahul Gandhi." This post led to FIR being registered on July 2, 2024, at Cyber Crimes Police Station, Hyderabad, under Sections 352, 353(2), 353(1)(c), and 336(4) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023. Live Events The complaint was lodged by Venkat Naik, a supporter of the Congress Party, who accused Sinha of spreading communal hatred for political motives and falsely attributing statements to the Congress leader. The petitioner, Sinha, through Advocate Ashish Dixit, argued that the FIR was a result of a political vendetta orchestrated by the ruling party in Telangana. He contended that his post merely echoed what was perceived by the general public and media from the parliamentary speech and did not amount to any criminal offence. Sinha further submitted that he had received numerous threats on social media following his post and that the Telangana Police, in coordination with local police, had visited his residence to allegedly harass and intimidate him. In support of his claims, he pointed to a public post made by Sama Ram Mohan Reddy, State Congress social media in-charge, where the petitioner was openly accused of spreading "fake news" and threatened with imminent police action. The petitioner's legal team argued that the case did not meet the legal ingredients of the alleged offences under BNS. They emphasized that the Telangana High Court had failed to consider the clear political overtones of the case and had ignored the petitioner's legitimate apprehension of arrest and harassment. They also highlighted that Sinha had no prior criminal record, posed no flight risk, and that custodial interrogation was unwarranted in this case. After hearing the submissions, the Supreme Court directed that the petitioner shall appear before the Investigating Officer on July 25, 2025, at 12:00 noon. More significantly, the Court ruled that Raushan Sinha shall not be arrested in connection with the FIR without obtaining prior leave of the Court, thereby granting interim protection from arrest. The matter has been posted for further hearing after two weeks.
Scroll.in
3 days ago
- Politics
- Scroll.in
Folk singer booked for song criticising Uttarakhand government
Garhwali folk singer Pawan Semwal was booked for allegedly 'promoting enmity' and 'insulting the modesty of women' in a song allegedly criticising Uttarakhand's Bharatiya Janata Party government over unemployment and crimes against women, The Times of India reported on Sunday. The song titled 'Tin Bhi Ni Thami', which translates to 'cannot handle it even for a bit', was shared by Semwal on his YouTube channel. He also posted a link to the video on Facebook. The song linked the rise in the number of liquor shops to an increase in prostitution in the state, The Times of India reported. Following the Facebook post, a resident of Dehradun had filed a complaint against Semwal on Saturday, alleging that the lyrics were offensive to all women in the state. Based on the complaint, the police registered a case at the Patel Nagar police station. Inspector Chandrabhan Singh Adhikhari, the station house officer at Patel Nagar, said that the case was filed under sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita related to promoting enmity between groups, making statements conducive to public mischief and using words or gestures intended to insult the modesty of women. Semwal, who was in Delhi, was summoned for questioning on Sunday. 'After a detailed questioning, he was served a notice under Section 35(a) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Suraksha Sanhita under which he must appear before the police whenever summoned for probe,' The Times of India quoted Adhikari as saying. 'He was also warned not to repeat such acts.' The song had been uploaded to YouTube three days ago and was taken down soon after. Semwal re-uploaded the video on Saturday but deleted it again following the police action. In a purported video statement posted on social media, Semwal said that he had faced 'immense' pressure from the police to remove the song after its initial release. The Opposition Congress accused the BJP of silencing dissent. 'The lyrics of Semwal's song are much more than what is being projected,' the newspaper quoted Congress' Uttarakhand chief Karan Mahara as saying. 'The song highlights things, which the government does not want to hear. It is the voice of every resident who wants to see change.' The BJP said that the song was 'part of [Congress'] agenda of mudslinging', The Times of India reported. 'The government has no role in registering the case,' said BJP state Spokesperson Manveer Singh Chauhan, adding that the 'law will take its own course'.
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First Post
3 days ago
- Politics
- First Post
NCERT's tame revision and distorians' loud outrage: Why Bharat is still in search of its true history
The time has come to challenge Leftist distorians and expose their hollow intellectual halo. Only then will Bharat's history be salvaged read more The Mughal dynasty as a whole has often been portrayed as the pinnacle of Bharatiya civilisation. Image: Wikimedia Commons The recent storm over changes in NCERT's history textbooks has reignited an old and unresolved debate: Who owns Bharat's history, and who has the right to narrate it? Critics—largely from the academic and media establishment—have slammed the revisions as politically motivated, accusing the government of 'saffronisation' and ideological distortion. But this outrage, however loud, sidesteps a deeper truth: For decades after Independence, Bharat's historiography—particularly what entered school curricula—was crafted not by a plurality of scholarly voices, but by a small coterie of Marxist and Nehruvian intellectuals who captured the country's academic institutions and think tanks through political patronage and interference. Such was the stranglehold of Leftist historians such as Romila Thapar, Bipan Chandra, Irfan Habib, and R S Sharma that there was no space for historiography other than the one rooted in economic determinism—a worldview that was dismissive of Bharat's civilisational achievements and ethos. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This intellectual monopoly romanticised Islamic invaders, ignored indigenous resistance, and downplayed Bharat's ancient (Sanatana) accomplishments. Babur was, thus, portrayed as a curious naturalist and a doting father (Nehru called him a 'renaissance prince'), Akbar as a liberal genius, and Aurangzeb as a misunderstood ruler. In contrast, Hindu figures like Krishnadeva Raya, Maharana Pratap, and Shivaji were relegated to the margins. Even native empires of repute such as Vijayanagar, Ahom, and Karkota were reduced to footnotes. The guiding ideology seemed to be: De-sacralise Bharatiya civilisation and sanctify its conquerors. The NCERT Controversy The latest controversy surrounding the NCERT textbook of Class VIII centres largely around Akbar, long celebrated as a liberal visionary. His policies of religious tolerance and Rajput alliances have always dominated textbook narratives. So, when the revised syllabus now includes unsavoury details such as the 1568 massacre at Chittorgarh—where over 30,000 civilians were killed after the fort had already fallen—it's seen as an assault on his legacy. There is no denying Akbar was an able ruler, far ahead of many contemporaries, especially in the Islamic world. But glorification should not come at the cost of truth. The Chittorgarh massacre was not a battlefield tragedy—it was an act of vengeance after a successful siege. To hide such acts is distortion; to justify them by citing plunders by Hindu rulers is lazy scholarship. A massacre is not just a plunder, and inventing false equivalences to cover up omissions is intellectual dishonesty. No historical figure—however revered—should be above scrutiny. If Akbar has been over-glorified, the Mughal dynasty as a whole has often been portrayed as the pinnacle of Bharatiya civilisation. This historical approach needs recalibration. Yes, the Mughals built a vast empire, set up uniform law and order machinery across the subcontinent, and promoted art and architecture. But they were also foreigners, as 17th-century French traveller François Bernier observed, who needed large standing armies even in peacetime to suppress dissent. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Babur's own memoir, Baburnama, revels in violence against 'infidels', as it mentions how he would, after a battlefield, build 'a tower of infidels' skulls'. Jahangir, the lover-boy Salim of Mughal-e-Azam, ordered the killing of Arjan Dev, the fifth Sikh guru, in the very first year of his reign. Shah Jahan, romanticised for building the Taj Mahal in memory of his wife, Mumtaj Mahal, oversaw the construction of this 'monument of love' while famines ravaged the countryside. Such was the destitution at that time, as Abdul Hamid Lahori writes in his biography of Shah Jahan, that 'dog's flesh was sold for goat's flesh and the pounded bones of the dead were mixed with flour and sold'. As for Aurangzeb, he institutionalised bigotry by reviving jizya, banning Hindu festivals, and demolishing temples. These accounts aren't fringe—they come from the Mughals' own court chronicles. To question this kind of lopsided narrative is not communalism—it's historiographical integrity. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Slow and Cautious Reforms Despite media alarmism, the NCERT revisions are neither sweeping nor comprehensive. They are excruciatingly slow and excessively cautious, to the extent of appearing apologetic. The textbooks continue to uphold a worldview where invaders are humanised, native resistance is sidelined, and Bharatiya civilisational achievements are ignored, if not totally dismissed. Rather than boldly rewriting history with balance and authenticity, NCERT often appears hesitant—fearful of pushback from entrenched guardians of the academia, of being branded communal and Islamophobic, and of challenging globally palatable 'secular', Leftist narratives. The outrage against textbook revisions is less about defending historical objectivity and more about resisting a long-overdue correction. For decades, history writing in the country has been filtered through a narrow ideological prism—one that celebrated foreign invasions, concealed Islamic brutality, and undermined Sanatana ingenuity and fightback. Bharat, even after more than seven decades of its Independence, is still in search of a history that's truly its own. A history where Akbar is studied not as a saint, not as a villain, but as a ruler with his strengths and weaknesses intact. A history where the Mughal empire is examined for both its splendour and its savagery. And more importantly, a history that is truly Bharatiya in nature, after being rescued from the vice-like grip of Leftist historians, who in reality are distorians… err, eminent distorians. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The time has come to challenge these distorians—and expose their hollow intellectual halo. Only then will their iron grip be slackened. And Bharat's history will be salvaged for good. P.S.: The Leftist intellectuals hijacked the history of Bharat in the 1960s by proposing to write from the 'people's perspective'. Romila Thapar, in fact, went a step ahead when she, in 1962, promised to come up with a new way of history writing that would let the readers know 'what the elephant keeper of the emperor Ashoka thought of his edicts' or what the lives and thoughts of the masons who built the Taj Mahal were. More than six decades later, Thapar's grand promise remains unfulfilled. The Left-dominated history of Bharat is today stuck in a soulless, ideologically obsessed terrain where neither the story of the king nor the 'lives and thoughts' of the masses are told effectively. The writer is the author of the book, 'Eminent Distorians: Twists and Truths in Bharat's History', published early this year by BluOne Ink publications. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
