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Trump tax bill dealt major blow as several Medicaid provisions are axed
Trump tax bill dealt major blow as several Medicaid provisions are axed

Yahoo

time26-06-2025

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Trump tax bill dealt major blow as several Medicaid provisions are axed

WASHINGTON — Several contested proposals related to Medicaid were stripped from President Donald Trump's massive reconciliation bill, dealing a blow to Republicans as they search for ways to pay for more than $4.5 trillion in tax cuts. The Senate parliamentarian issued the latest set of rulings Thursday morning, striking a number of provisions that would have cut government spending for the welfare program to offset the cost of extending Trump's 2017 tax cuts that are scheduled to expire at the end of this year. The nixed provisions send Republicans back to the drawing board to craft proposals that adhere to the strict rules of reconciliation — with just eight days before the party's self-imposed deadline of July 4. One of the most controversial proposals removed from the bill is language seeking to crack down on state provider taxes, which are taxes placed by states on medical providers like hospitals and clinics that then boost reimbursement from the federal government. The proposed bill sought to reduce that tax from the current 6% down to 3.5%, raising concerns among lawmakers from states they say rely on that tax to provide money for health coverage. The removal of that provision deals a major blow to Republicans as they estimated it would save billions of dollars to help pay for the tax cut extensions. Utah Rep. Blake Moore responded to the ruling shortly after it was issued, telling CSPAN on Thursday morning 'it becomes a non-issue (if) it's taken off the table, but we'll have to see.' 'I would love to see the details on why that would be the case,' Moore said. The provider tax 'is primarily revenue-based, and that should pass the Byrd rule in the Senate. So I hope there isn't any type of, you know, politics being played here. It's a world that I'm not in much.' That ruling could be good news for a handful of Senate Republicans who opposed the changes, citing concerns about spending cuts to rural hospitals and nursing homes. At least four Senate Republicans — Sens. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., Susan Collins, R-Maine, Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, and Jim Justice, R-W.V. — opposed that language, threatening the bill's final passage. It's not yet clear how Republicans will move forward. Party leaders could attempt to amend their language to adhere to reconciliation rules, or they could decide to remove the provisions altogether. However, the stripped provisions could throw a wrench in Republicans' plans to get the package finalized and sent to Trump's desk by the Fourth of July holiday. Senate leaders are pushing to pass their version of the bill as early as this weekend, sending it to the House next week for consideration. But it could take several days to rewrite the Medicaid language, possibly punting the deadline later into the summer. Through the budget reconciliation process, Republicans can circumvent Democratic opposition and prevent a filibuster to expedite the passage of certain legislation and go around the minority party by enacting key pieces of their agenda with a simple majority vote. There are certain rules that dictate how often reconciliation can be used, and the procedure can only be utilized to advance budget-related legislation such as taxes, spending and the debt limit. Once a budget reconciliation blueprint is finalized, it then only requires a simple majority in the House and Senate to pass. The parliamentarian also removed portions of the bill seeking to remove undocumented citizens from Medicaid and Medicare eligibility — a major proposal pushed by Utah Sen. Mike Lee. The bill sought to withhold federal funding toward states that provided coverage to undocumented immigrants. Language seeking to prohibit funding for Medicaid and Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP) to go toward gender transition procedures was also removed from the bill. The Senate parliamentarian is still reviewing several other controversial proposals that could make or break Republicans' tax package, including language seeking to defund Planned Parenthood by prohibiting the organization from receiving any federal Medicaid funds.

Sen. Mike Lee, House conservatives demand changes to Trump's tax bill
Sen. Mike Lee, House conservatives demand changes to Trump's tax bill

Yahoo

time10-06-2025

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Sen. Mike Lee, House conservatives demand changes to Trump's tax bill

WASHINGTON — Fiscal conservatives are demanding a number of changes to the Republican-led reconciliation package, including the elimination of some provisions that were key to getting the bill through Republicans' slim majority in the House last month. The House Freedom Caucus began circulating a memo Monday evening outlining dozens of changes to the tax package, which passed the House in a narrow 215-214 vote in late May. The bill is now being considered by the Senate, but House conservatives have made it clear they are not satisfied with the final product — and are demanding their colleagues in the upper chamber make edits. 'Through the negotiations in the House and the hard work of the President and the White House, we took significant steps to improve the reconciliation package known as 'One Big Beautiful Bill,'' the memo reads, according to a copy obtained by the Deseret News. 'However, there remain substantial concerns and a great deal of misinformation circulating about the bill. … Below, please find specific recommendations for the Senate to deliver a product we can pass in the House.' At the top of the list — underneath a headline that reads: 'The Senate Needs to Improve the House OBBB' — the fiscal conservatives are demanding Senate Republicans find deeper spending cuts than those included in the current resolution. The tax reconciliation package currently allows for up to $3.7 trillion in tax cuts over the next decade, according to projections from the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office. However, the bill includes only $1.3 trillion in spending cuts to offset those costs, raising concerns among Republicans that the package will raise the national debt. While GOP leaders, including Utah Rep. Blake Moore, argue the report doesn't factor in the economic growth that will likely come from the tax cuts tucked into the package, members of the Freedom Caucus say 'savings are backloaded and are subject to the whims of a future Congress, heavily affected by future policy changes and tax extensions, and unlikely to fully occur.' Notably, the conservatives are also demanding the Senate scale back an agreed-upon increase to federal deductions for state and local taxes paid, also known as SALT. Republican leaders offered to increase the current deduction cap to $40,000 — up from the current $10,000 limit — for individuals who make $500,000 or less a year. That cap would then increase by 1% every year over the next decade and remain permanent after that period. The policy mostly affects high-tax states, but the changes were made to appease a group of blue-state Republicans who repeatedly threatened final passage if a higher deduction was not included. Members of the House Freedom Caucus have pushed to undo that deal, arguing it 'disproportionately benefits high-income households in high tax (Democrat-run) states,' according to the memo. That's unlikely to go over well with the faction of New York Republicans who spent months negotiating a SALT increase. Rep. Mike Lawler, R-N.Y., who helped lead that charge, has warned for weeks that if the Senate changes the numbers, he and his fellow New York Republicans would reject the bill. 'Cool. Good luck with that,' Lawler said in a post on X shortly after the memo was released. The memo also urges Senate Republicans to 'hold the line' on certain provisions included in the House version, including language that would fully repeal green energy credits passed by the Biden administration through the Inflation Reduction Act. 'Hold the line on the House OBBB reforms to significantly strengthen the rollback of IRA subsidies for wind and solar to end during President Trump's term — otherwise they will inevitability be renewed as in the past,' the memo states, 'and, by that point, the grid will become generally unreliable with no quick fixes to inevitable widespread unaffordability and power outages.' That demand comes in response to a push by some Republicans in the Senate — including Utah Sen. John Curtis — who want to preserve some of the clean energy tax incentives in the IRA, arguing they are crucial for Trump's agenda to remain energy independent. Conservatives are similarly pushing for deeper cuts to Medicaid benefits, outlining specific changes that would 'protect the most vulnerable' while addressing 'money laundering, fraud, and abuse.' Suggested language would be to implement specific definitions to crack down on Medicaid coverage for undocumented immigrants as well as stricter work requirements for Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP. The demands come as Senate Republicans have hinted at major changes to the House-passed reconciliation bill — with some suggesting to ease the deep spending cuts already passed while others have argued the package does not go far enough. Sen. Mike Lee, R-Utah, has been at the forefront of demanding those changes, telling the Deseret News that 'everyone understands there are going to be some modifications made to the House bill.' 'Nobody believes that the House bill, unadorned, unmodified, is going to pass,' he said. For example, Lee supports maintaining the full repeal of the IRA green energy credits as well as cracking down on illegal immigrants relying on Medicaid. Meanwhile, the president is telling the Senate to 'make the changes they want' — sending mixed messages as Republicans consider alterations to the budget framework advancing policies on the border, energy, national defense and tax reform. Some of the hard-to-convince lawmakers hope their stubbornness will ward off any of their Senate colleagues from making drastic changes, noting the drawn-out process in the House should deter them from doing so. 'I think after seeing how painful of a process this is and how difficult it is to get anything through this side, I think that will send a strong message in the Senate that you can't really change it,' Rep. Eric Burlison, R-Mo., a member of the Freedom Caucus, told the Deseret News last month. Contributing: Brigham Tomco

Power players or baseball players? The history behind the Congressional Baseball Game
Power players or baseball players? The history behind the Congressional Baseball Game

Fox News

time09-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Fox News

Power players or baseball players? The history behind the Congressional Baseball Game

Washington is stocked with power players. The president. White House officials. Cabinet secretaries. U.S. Representatives. Senators. Powerful aides. Lobbyists. Journalists. But how about baseball players? Democrats and Republicans convene Wednesday night at Nats Park just blocks from the Capitol for the annual Congressional game. Since 1909, Democrats and Republicans have traded in conference committees for mound visits. The Congressional Record for scorecards. And parliamentarians for umpires. Rep. Roger Williams, R-Texas, is a former Atlanta Braves farmhand. He gets his squad out on the practice diamond nearly every morning when lawmakers are in session at 5:45. "We've been working out since March 1," said Williams. "I think we're as good as we were last year." However, he noted that springtime rain limited practice time. And, an injury might beset the GOP squad. House Republican Conference Vice Chairman Blake Moore, R-Utah, started in center field for Republicans last year. Moore is one of the best overall athletes for either team. Moore won the high school Heisman Trophy in 1997. However, Moore injured his collar bone diving to make a save as a goalie in the Congressional soccer game a few weeks ago. Yes, there's a Congressional soccer game, too. And flag football game. And basketball game. And hockey game. And voters sometimes wonder why nothing ever gets done in Washington? Anyway, Moore says his clavicle has healed. Ironically, he can golf. But can't play baseball. And can't reach up to put away the dishes in the cupboard after dinner. "That goes over really well with my wife," said Moore. A penalty for playing soccer? "I fined him $500," said Williams – we believe jokingly. Rep. Jake Ellzey, R-Texas, played right field last year. He moves to center field in place of Moore Wednesday night. Rep. Marlin Stutzman, R-Ind., patrols right field for Republicans. Stutzman returned to Congress this year after an eight-year hiatus. Stutzman played in six games before, hitting .083. Stutzman used to pitch for the GOP. But his services out of the bullpen probably aren't necessary. After all, Stutzman might not match up to other Hoosier State hurlers like Tommy John and Don Larsen. On the mound, Stutzman sports an 0-2 record with a 14.44 ERA in the Congressional contest. That said, Williams does have a potential newcomer who can throw: Freshman Rep. Pat Harrigan, R-N.C., is a rookie and a fireballer. "He's my Ryne Duren," said Williams of Harrigan. To the uninitiated, Duren was a flamethrowing all-star in the 1950s and '60s – mostly with the New York Yankees and Cincinnati Reds. Duren wore Coke-bottle glasses. The line "Oh say can you see" during "The Star-Spangled Banner" took on a little more meaning for opposing hitters when Duren was on the mound with his fastball. Williams says Harrigan can bring it. But his control needs work. Rep. Linda Sanchez, D-Calif., enters her third year as the Democrats' skipper. She's the first woman to manage the team. Women first played in the game in 1993. Former Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, R-Fla., along with former Sen. Blanche Lincoln, D-Ark., and current Sen. Maria Cantwell, D-Wash., broke the gender barrier. Both Lincoln and Cantwell played as House Members. Sanchez appeared in 11 games and is one of the best women to suit up. She hit .455, going 5-11 with two walks. Sanchez bleeds Dodger blue. She historically wears a Fernando Valenzuela jersey while managing. Valenzuela was one of the most iconic Dodgers of all time, capturing the 1981 Cy Young Award with his screwball as "Fernandomania" seized southern California. Valenzuela died last fall. But Sanchez used to pull for the "California" Angels – now the Los Angeles Angels. Sanchez switched her allegiance from the Halos to the Dodgers after the Angels let Nolan Ryan escape to the Houston Astros in late 1979. One wonders how Sanchez would have felt if she were a New York Mets fan back when they traded Ryan to the Angels? Sanchez's success at the plate hasn't followed her into the Democrats' dugout. Republicans have captured the last four contests – including the two which Sanchez managed. Republicans pounded the Democrats last year, 31-11. The GOP topped the Democrats 16-6 in 2023. There was no game in 2020 due to the pandemic. So the Democrats haven't won since 2019. Republicans hold a 38-23 advantage in the "modern" era of the game. They began playing the Congressional game in 1909. But late House Speaker Sam Rayburn, D-Texas, halted the game because it became too violent. There was a legendary collision at home plate in the 1956 game. Late Rep. Charles Curtis, R-Mo., was catching for the GOP. Rep. Olin "Tiger" Teague, D-Texas, steamrolled Curtis at the plate. Teague is buried at Arlington National Cemetery. But Teague buried Curtis at home in that game. Orderlies hauled Curtis off the old Griffith Stadium field on a stretcher. Lawmakers resumed the game in 1962. Sanchez is buoyed by at least four new freshmen – or rookies – on her club. Reps. Dave Min, D-Calif., Derek Tran, D-Calif., John Mannion, D-N.Y., and Johnny Olszewski, D-Md. "Our principal weakness has been not a lot of depth to our bullpen. And this year we've got a couple of freshmen that can throw. So we're hoping that with those additions, we can do a lot better this year," said Sanchez. Expect Mannion to work in relief. Like most Major League clubs, the Democrats need pitching. "We had a great run for a little while when Cedric Richmond was on the mound," said House Democratic Caucus Chairman Pete Aguilar, D-Calif., who pitches, catches and plays infield for the Democrats. Former Rep. Cedric Richmond, D-La., is one of the greatest players in Congressional Baseball Game history. He pitched in college. He threw 80-mph-plus to stymie fellow lawmakers. Richmond boasted an 8-0 record and a miniscule 2.64 ERA. But Richmond left Congress to work for former President Biden in 2021. The Democrats haven't been formidable since. Heading into Wednesday's contest, Sanchez teased that her goal with the Republicans in the game is "making them cry." "But we come together and do something good for the area," added Sanchez, noting the $2 million the game raises for children's charities in the DC area. But she concedes, "there's always trash talk." So Democrats try to escape from their slump. The Democrats haven't won under Sanchez. But they're oh-fer since House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y., took over in 2023. "It's my expectation that the Democratic comeback is going to begin in 2025 at the Congressional Baseball Game," said Jeffries last week. But the Brooklyn Democrat said the same thing two years ago. "I think this is the year for the big, Democratic comeback," said Jeffries in June 2023. So, I questioned Jeffries in the Capitol corridors late last week. "You realize since you've been the Minority Leader that the Republicans have defeated the Democrats by a combined score of 47 to 1?" asked yours truly. "I also realize that my record as an active member of the Congressional Baseball Game team, I believe, was 9-1," replied Jeffries. But is that because of Jeffries? Or Cedric Richmond? Statistics are paramount in baseball. Whether you're scoring at home. Or using the Congressional Budget Office. Jeffries is 1-6 hitting in his nine games on the Democratic squad. That's good for a .167 average. Well below the Mendoza Line. But he did swipe seven bases. And this year, Democrats will again try to steal a win against a talented Republican club. Gametime at 7pm ET on FS1 Wednesday. Yours truly will be on the call alongside colleague Kevin Corke.

Can $1,000 at birth change a child's future? A Republican proposal aims to find out

time09-06-2025

  • Business

Can $1,000 at birth change a child's future? A Republican proposal aims to find out

WASHINGTON -- When children of wealthy families reach adulthood, they often benefit from the largesse of parents in the form of a trust fund. It's another way they get a leg up on less affluent peers, who may receive nothing at all — or even be expected to support their families. But what if all children — regardless of their family's circumstances — could get a financial boost when they turn 18? That's the idea behind a House GOP proposal backed by President Donald Trump. It would create tax-deferred investment accounts — coined 'Trump Accounts' — for babies born in the U.S. over the next four years, starting them each with $1,000. At age 18, they could withdraw the money to put toward a down payment for a home, education or to start a small business. If the money is used for other purposes, it'll be taxed at a higher rate. 'This is a pro-family initiative that will help millions of Americans harness the strength of our economy to lift up the next generation,' Trump said at a White House event Monday for the proposal. 'They'll really be getting a big jump on life, especially if we get a little bit lucky with some of the numbers and the economy.' While the investment would be symbolically meaningful, it's a relatively small financial commitment to addressing child poverty in the wider $7 trillion federal budget. Assuming a 7% return, the $1,000 would grow to roughly $3,570 over 18 years. It builds on the concept of ' baby bonds,' which two states — California and Connecticut — and the District of Columbia have introduced as a way to reduce gaps between wealthy people and poor people. At at time when wealth inequality has soured some young people on capitalism, giving them a stake in Wall Street could be the antidote, said Utah Republican Rep. Blake Moore, who led the effort to get the initiative into a massive House spending bill. 'We know that America's economic engine is working, but not everyone feels connected to its value and the ways it can benefit them,' Moore wrote in an op-ed for the Washington Examiner. 'If we can demonstrate to our next generation the benefits of investing and financial health, we can put them on a path toward prosperity.' The bill would require at least one parent to produce a Social Security number with work authorizations, meaning the U.S. citizen children born to some categories of immigrants would be excluded from the benefit. But unlike other baby bond programs, which generally target disadvantaged groups, this one would be available to families of all incomes. Economist Darrick Hamilton of The New School, who first pitched the idea of baby bonds a quarter-century ago, said the GOP proposal would exacerbate rather than reduce wealth gaps. When he dreamed up baby bonds, he envisioned a program that would be universal but would give children from poor families a larger endowment than their wealthier peers, in an attempt to level the playing field. The money would be handled by the government, not by private firms on Wall Street. 'It is upside down,' Hamilton said. 'It's going to enhance inequality.' Hamilton added that $1,000 — even with interest — would not be enough to make a significant difference for a child living in poverty. A Silicon Valley investor who created the blueprint for the proposal, Brad Gerstner, said in an interview with CNBC last year that the accounts could help address the wealth gap and the loss of faith in capitalism that represent an existential crisis for the U.S. 'The rise and fall of nations occurs when you have a wealth gap that grows, when you have people who lose faith in the system,' Gerstner said. 'We're not agentless. We can do something.' The proposal comes as Congressional Republicans and Trump face backlash for proposed cuts to programs that poor families with children rely on, including food assistance and Medicaid. Even some who back the idea of baby bonds are skeptical, noting Trump wants to cut higher education grants and programs that aid young people on the cusp of adulthood — the same age group Trump Accounts are supposed to help. Pending federal legislation would slash Medicaid and food and housing assistance that many families with children rely on. Young adults who grew up in poverty often struggle with covering basics like rent and transportation — expenses that Trump Accounts could not be tapped to cover, said Eve Valdez, an advocate for youth in foster care in southern California. Valdez, a former foster youth, said she was homeless when she turned 18. Accounts for newborn children that cannot be accessed for 18 years mean little to families struggling to meet basic needs today, said Shimica Gaskins of End Child Poverty California. 'Having children have health care, having their families have access to SNAP and food are what we really need ... the country focused on,' Gaskins said. ___ standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at

Can $1,000 at birth change a child's future? A Republican proposal aims to find out
Can $1,000 at birth change a child's future? A Republican proposal aims to find out

Associated Press

time09-06-2025

  • Business
  • Associated Press

Can $1,000 at birth change a child's future? A Republican proposal aims to find out

WASHINGTON (AP) — When children of wealthy families reach adulthood, they often benefit from the largesse of parents in the form of a trust fund. It's another way they get a leg up on less affluent peers, who may receive nothing at all — or even be expected to support their families. But what if all children — regardless of their family's circumstances — could get a financial boost when they turn 18? That's the idea behind a House GOP proposal backed by President Donald Trump. It would create accounts for all babies born in the U.S. over the next four years with $1,000 that would accrue interest until the children reach adulthood. At age 18, they could withdraw the money to put toward a down payment for a home, education or to start a small business. If the money is used for other purposes, it'll be taxed at a higher rate. It builds on the concept of ' baby bonds,' which two states — California and Connecticut — and the District of Columbia have introduced as a way to reduce gaps between wealthy people and poor people. Rep. Blake Moore, a Republican from Utah, spearheaded the effort to get the initiative into a massive House spending bill. In an op-ed for the Washington Examiner, he said wealth inequality has soured many people on capitalism. 'Trump Accounts,' as the proposal calls them, could be the antidote, he said. 'We know that America's economic engine is working, but not everyone feels connected to its value and the ways it can benefit them,' Moore wrote. 'If we can demonstrate to our next generation the benefits of investing and financial health, we can put them on a path toward prosperity.' The bill calls for the money to be handled by investment firms. The bill would require at least one parent to produce a Social Security number with work authorizations, meaning the U.S. citizen children born to some categories of immigrants would be excluded from the benefit. But unlike other baby bond programs, which generally target disadvantaged groups, this one would be available to families of all incomes. 'When little baby is born they're gonna start off with a thousand dollars and if we do a good job of investing their money — we're going to go with one of the investing guidelines, who the hell knows if they're any good — but they have a chance to be very rich,' Trump said at a rally last week in Pittsburgh. 'It's going to be very cute to see.' Economist Darrick Hamilton of The New School, who first pitched the idea of baby bonds a quarter-century ago, said the GOP proposal would exacerbate rather than reduce wealth gaps. He envisioned a program that would be universal but would give children from poor families a larger endowment than their wealthier peers, in an attempt to level the playing field. The money would be handled by the government, not by private firms on Wall Street. 'It is upside down,' Hamilton said. 'It's going to enhance inequality.' Hamilton added that $1,000 — even with interest — would not be enough to make a significant difference for a child living in poverty. A Silicon Valley investor who created the blueprint for the proposal, Brad Gerstner, said in an interview with CNBC last year that the accounts could help address the wealth gap and the loss of faith in capitalism that represent an existential crisis for the U.S. 'The rise and fall of nations occurs when you have a wealth gap that grows, when you have people who lose faith in the system,' Gerstner said. 'We're not agentless. We can do something.' The proposal comes as Congressional Republicans and Trump face backlash for proposed cuts to programs that poor families with children rely on, including food assistance and Medicaid. Even some who back the idea of baby bonds are skeptical, noting Trump wants to cut higher education grants and programs that aid young people on the cusp of adulthood — the same age group Trump Accounts are supposed to help. Pending federal legislation would slash Medicaid and food and housing assistance that many families with children rely on. Young adults who grew up in poverty often struggle with covering basics like rent and transportation — expenses that Trump Accounts could not be tapped to cover, said Eve Valdez, an advocate for youth in foster care in southern California. Accounts for newborn children that cannot be accessed for 18 years mean little to families struggling to meet basic needs today, said Shimica Gaskins of End Child Poverty California. 'Having children have health care, having their families have access to SNAP and food are what we really need ... the country focused on,' Gaskins said. ___ The Associated Press' education coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP's standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at

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