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Mail & Guardian
6 days ago
- Politics
- Mail & Guardian
Race and politics distract us from the issue of inequality
The black middle class in South Africa has grown, but much of the inequality in the country remains the same. (File photo) In a recent conversation on the It sparked the question of whether South Africa is having a class struggle framed as a race one. Exploring the idea of deception and false victories, requires unpacking how the issue might be incorrectly diagnosed. One apparent fact in South Africa is that the memory of apartheid is disappearing for many in the new generation — Born Frees — who only know the country as a democracy in the hands of the ANC. Nelson Mandela is transformed into a myth, taught to young children, a man with a greater dream and vision for South Africa — derailed by ANC factionalism, corruption and state capture. The feel-good moments of hosting the 2010 Soccer World Cup and embodying the Rainbow Nation have been shut out. The question is: what has become of South Africa? So-called radical politics returned, initially in the form of Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) leader Julius Malema, claiming to want to transform the economy and return the wealth of this country to the black majority — a narrative that intertwined race and the economy in ways the ANC had done before. But what has become known as black economic empowerment (BEE) and broad-based black economic empowerment, is seen to uplift only an elite few. It is a recognition of the potential stagnation of policies many had believed in during the ANC's early years in government. Second, it highlighted South Africa's inability to shake off inequality. Looking forward to the current state of politics, uMkhonto weSizwe party, led by former president and member of the ANC, Jacob Zuma, has styled itself as a strongly 'black party', aiming to unite black 'leftist' forces in the country. It wanted many of the same things as the EFF — nationalisation and pushing for the abolishment of the Constitution and the implementation of a constitution without codified law, according to their manifesto. The aim was to end the system as a whole, as well as implement the same expropriation aims introduced by the EFF. Have these parties muddled the lies of capital and race? At the core of the fight for South Africa, and the question of how to move forward after 30 years of liberation, it raises the question: has race been the distraction the whole time? It is important to highlight that 1994 marked liberation and victory for the ANC. The next task was to govern. Walking with the legacy of Mandela and the power of liberation in South Africa, governance and economic management fell to the wayside. With the implementation of the Growth, Employment and Redistribution policy and BEE in the Mbeki administration, questions were being raised about ways to redress inequality. With a slow system of wealth transfer, it was expanded to broad-based BEE, further widening the social net for beneficiaries and participation in South Africa. The black middle class in South Africa grew but much of the inequality in the country remains the same. Particularly looking at recent data — two ANC presidents after the policies were at the peak of their effectiveness — while black people have outnumbered white people in the richest 10% of the population for about seven years, the gap between South Africa's richest and poorest hasn't narrowed. The decline in racial inequality has been driven almost entirely by a surge in top incomes by black people, rather than increased wealth for the poorest, according to World Inequality Lab data. BEE, according to estimates, benefits about 15% of the black population in South Africa — a small group. Although progress, is it progress enough? Even exploring the land transfers since 1994, academics Wandile Sihlobo and Johann Kirsten, both experts on agriculture, have estimated that about 20% of freehold farmland owned by white farmers in 1994 has passed into black hands, either through government programmes or private purchases. This shows progress, yet not at the rate other constituents would deem necessary. What is true is that progress has been made in South Africa and that there are black South Africans occupying top management positions. There are many who are beneficiaries of BEE schemes but the systemic inequality in South Africa remains the same. Instead of it being a class issue, it has become a race and political issue. Politicians disagreed about the mechanism and speed at which transformation was to take place in the country. No different from the Azanian People's Organisation and the Pan Africanist Congress pre-1994, which argued for reclamation of the land in many of the same ways that are spoken about now. The messaging has been lost in claims and attacks on white capital, arguments over struggle anthems and disagreement about legislation deemed to be race-based, distracting from the core issue — South Africa is an unequal country. Holding the highest Gini coefficient in the world at 0.67, and with unemployment standing at 32.9%, it is apparent that there is a drastic need for a solution. There is no forgetting human suffering. Everyone is quick to cite the Covid-19 pandemic, but quick to forget the shared humanity that was needed to carry a world that was lost, confused and frightened through this dark time. South Africans cannot be oblivious to our growing problem. Soon, politicians face the need for pragmatic solutions. Personal politics undermines the problem on the ground. Similarly, the fights in the government — through legal disagreements and calculated use of the media — continue to throw the country into disillusionment. Politicians fight over a shrinking economy and hone in on race politics and the history of the past; they get distracted. They over-explain themselves time and time again without offering solutions. The issue in South Africa is silently growing under the noise of political infighting and politicians competing for airtime. South Africa's problem lies in the fact that liberation might have been announced but the inequality has gone unaddressed. Remember Morrison's words: 'The very serious function of racism is distraction. It keeps you from doing your work. It keeps you explaining, over and over again, your reason for being.' Suddenly, race in South Africa seems more prevalent than ever. What work is being done? Khumo Kumalo is the founder of the website Misunderstood, which unpacks social, identity and economic issues in South Africa, and a student at Morehouse College, studying political science. He is the host of the Born Free podcast. He is also a Mail & Guardian 200 Young
IOL News
06-06-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
A long walk to economic freedom for the youth
On June 16, 1976, thousands of students in Soweto took to the streets to demonstrate against Bantu Education and the imposition of Afrikaans in their schools. When the youth protested on June 16, they did so with clarity, conviction, and courage. Their mission was not only to fight against the indignity of being taught in Afrikaans but to stand up against the injustice of apartheid, says the writer. Image: Mike MIZLENI / AFP Kim Heller The most appropriate homage to the 1976 generation of young activists would be for the youth of today to take up the revolutionary baton and complete the race for total liberation in South Africa. This will require a focused and resolute vision and purpose, coupled with the spirit of fierce commitment to freedom and justice demonstrated by the youth in South Africa in June 1976. When the youth protested on 16 June 1976, they did so with clarity, conviction, and courage. Their mission was not only to fight against the indignity of being taught in Afrikaans but to stand up against the injustice of apartheid, which brutally crushed the hopes and dreams of African people. They nobly fulfilled their generational mission. While political democracy has dawned in South Africa, the youth of today, the Born Frees, are yet to find their pot of gold at the end of the rainbow. Instead, caught in the stillbirth of economic liberation, they are at risk of becoming a lost generation. Rather than building on the solid foundation of the struggles of yesteryear and being the architects of a more prosperous tomorrow for future generations, today's youth are caught in the ruins of historical injustice and inequality. Wandering like waifs along a deserted path, hopeless and hapless. The picture is gloomy. There are well over three million unemployed young South Africans. The education system is failing miserably in addressing systemic imbalances. Government job creation is limited and ineffective. Universities are graduating students who cannot find jobs. That nearly half of all South Africans aged between 15 and 24 are jobless should be a red flag for the government. Deficient governance and the debauchery of politicians plundering public funds for youth and social development programmes established a bankrupt leadership ethos which misdirects the youth. Youth innovation and industry are vital if young South Africans are to prosper. The idea is for the youth to jump-start themselves, but this is unrealistic given the economic constraints and marginalisation of the majority of young people in South Africa. High levels of government and business investment are necessary. So, too, is the correct leadership blueprint. Youth development cannot flourish on an inkwell of corruption or the poisoned pen of seriously compromised political and business leaders. A 2023 study by the Human Sciences Research Council showed that twenty-three per cent of young South Africans believed that hard work is the best route to better financial status, while forty-nine per cent felt that having political connections was a more effective pathway to prosperity. Ongoing systemic negligence by the ANC government has produced a despondent, largely paralysed youth stuck in a wheel of dependency on paltry government handouts. Mental health issues are skyrocketing, with suicide being the fourth highest leading cause of death among 15-24-year-olds. Government handouts need to be replaced, or at least strongly supplemented by a sturdy undercarriage of sustainable public and private sector investment. The Presidency should be obsessed daily with a high target, strictly monitored youth development and empowerment programme, which includes sustainable job creation and start-up youth business hubs across the nation. Anything less is a betrayal of the youth. Social grant safety nets have become a cage, feeding dependency. In the serial failure of government promises, the youth of today will need to look to themselves for salvation. It is a risky business for many. Research conducted by Global Entrepreneurship Monitor in 2024 found that South Africa's youth were highly risk-averse, with 62% citing fear of failure as a barrier to starting businesses. Dr Frantz Fanon wrote that "each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfil it, or betray it." He stresses the need for the youth to seize its moment. On June 16, 1976, young African children seized the moment, in the very worst of conditions, and overcame them. The potential of today's youth to inspire change is immense despite their difficult circumstances. The world bore witness to the unity of the Kenyan youth against the Finance Bill in 2024, which led to a review of government policy. The Nigerian youth protests in 2024 drew world attention and condemnation of police brutality in the nation. Young Sudanese activists have been very vocal and effective in their fight for human rights and good governance. In many African countries, including Kenya, Ghana, and Nigeria, youth-led digital enterprises are increasing financial inclusion and greater access to education and are beginning to activate new production and distribution value chains. An attitude of self-betterment and self-liberation is the redemption song of today's youth. Despair is not a strategy, and noise-making without a coordinated voice is ineffective. Purpose is prince and unity is king. This was aptly demonstrated by the 2024 Kenyan protestors, the children of 1976 in apartheid South Africa, and the Fees Must Fall movement in post-apartheid South Africa. A coordinated youth programme is urgently needed to compel the government and businesses to take the plight of young South Africans more seriously. So, too, is a national campaign to self-drive and self-direct youth-driven projects. The youth of South Africa constitute almost 35 per cent of the overall population. They have the right and responsibility to shape the nation's future. It can be done. Nothing is impossible. In the words of Muhammad Ali, "Impossible is just a big word thrown around by small men who find it easier to live in the world they've been given than to explore the power they have to change it." * Kim Heller is a political analyst and author of No White Lies: Black Politics and White Power in South Africa. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
