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Extra.ie
4 days ago
- Business
- Extra.ie
Exclusive: Budget 2026 to cut several key payments in austerity move
The country is facing its first austerity budget in a decade, top Coalition sources told this weekend. And Fine Gael's much-trumpeted 9% VAT rate cut for the hospitality sector will not be decided until Budget Day and may not happen at all, given the worsening economic situation, a Government minister told Extra. The slashing of the Universal Energy Credit, double child and social welfare bonuses at Christmas and reinstating university tuition fees to €3,000 are all being considered. Tánaiste Simon Harris and Taoiseach Micheál Martin speaking at a press conference for the launch of the Government's Summer Economic Statement and the National Development Plan for the next five years. Pic: Niall Carson/PA Wire It sets the scene for a destabilising summer of discontent over the tighter spending rules being imposed by Public Expenditure Minister Jack Chambers. Senior Government sources have publicly denied claims that the next budget will be an austerity budget but, privately, sources at the top of the Coalition say otherwise. Despite this week's announcement of the biggest capital spending programme in Irish history, ordinary families will feel the squeeze due to the elimination of one-off payments which for some are worth as much as €1,000. After years of record spending increases, one minister told Extra: 'The plan is simple. Wait Trump out with a couple of austerity budgets and return to power via a series of generous budgets in the latter half of our term. 'A deal [on tariffs between the EU and the US] is still possible but the overall scenario is frightening. It is all very uncertain. The spat between Trump and Macron [over France recognising the Palestinian state] could add 5% to tariffs.' A Fine Gael minister said last night: 'Let Fianna Fáil and Micheál take the hit for cuts in the first three years and then Simon will take the credit for extra spending in the last two years. 'When we don't have it (money) at the start of a new government we won't spend it. When we have money just before the next election, we'll spend it.' Tensions about the cuts came to the fore this week after a ferocious row broke out between Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael over the issue of VAT reductions. Commenting on the public exchanges between the Coalition partners, one source said: 'Willie O'Dea is already on Morning Ireland causing discontent and it is only July.' Cuts in the first three years and then Simon will take the credit for extra spending in the last two years. When we don't have it (money) at the start of a new government we won't spend it. When we have money just before the next election, we'll spend it.' Public Expenditure Minister Jack Chambers. Pic: Fran Veale Tensions about the cuts came to the fore this week after a ferocious row broke out between Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael over the issue of VAT reductions. Commenting on the public exchanges between the Coalition partners, one source said: 'Willie O'Dea is already on Morning Ireland causing discontent and it is only July.' A senior Coalition source said last night the impending cuts are 'very necessary. There's concern over the long-term consequences of the 37% growth in spending since 2021.' 'The blunt truth is, there has been a lot of waste. We have to spend on political necessities. No more luxuries. There is a need to bring discipline back into spending. Covid led to necessary loosening of the reins, but we need to restore traditional controls. We need to do a few big things well. There is a brave new world out there. We need to ensure spending is efficient,' they said. Another minister noted: 'The Government had no other option. Spending was getting out of control. Every department was starting to resemble the Department of Health. It had to stop.' Another minister last night tried to minimise the scale of any proposed cuts. 'This is not austerity, it's normality. We have to walk our way back from a system of economics that was first driven by Coronavirus and then the first large-scale land war between two states since 1945,' they said, referring to Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Another Fine Gael minister noted: 'When it comes to cutting, do you want to be unpopular now or would you prefer to be unpopular in five years' time?' One Fianna Fáil minister warned their Coalition partners: 'Fianna Fáil has no intention of taking the hit for one-off cuts. Fine Gael would be wise to not be too clever. We will not be austerity patsies. The proposed economic challenges we face require a Government that works together or both parties will sink.' Finance Minister Paschal Donohoe speaks to the media outside Leinster House. Pic: Niall Carson/PA Wire/PA Images In an indication of the uncertain international landscape, understands an Oireachtas Committee report into the Occupied Territories Bill will recommend the banning of both the importation of goods and services from territories illegally occupied by Israel in Palestine. The judgment, to be delivered next week, is likely to provoke fury in both the United States and Israel and leaves the Coalition facing a very difficult diplomatic position. Both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have said they are committed to the passage of the Bill but, up to recently, the Coalition's preference was to confine any ban on imports from Israeli settlements to goods. Sinn Féin and the soft left, by contrast, have consistently called for a ban on both. A Bill, forwarded to the Committee for pre-legislative scrutiny in June confining the ban to goods, was called an act of 'diplomatic intoxication' by the US ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee, who said Ireland should 'sober up' and apologise to the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Committee now wants the Coalition to go further and ban both goods and services. It is believed such a ban was backed by all members, including Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. The Committee is expected to note it had to proceed without the advice of the Attorney General on the issue of services. It will add to the growing concerns that triggered a major pre-summer Economic Statement clampdown by the Department of Public Expenditure and Reform.
Irish Independent
23-07-2025
- Business
- Irish Independent
Louth set to benefit from record €275 billion national development plan
Unveiled this week, the NDP outlines €275 billion in investment through 2035, with €102 billion allocated for the next five years, €34 billion more than previously planned. Speaking following the announcement, Fine Gael TD Paula Butterly described the plan as 'a once-in-a-generation opportunity to deliver real and lasting improvements for people in Louth.' 'This investment will allow us to build more homes, deliver better schools and healthcare facilities, improve public transport, and upgrade critical utilities like water and energy infrastructure,' she said. 'It's about laying the foundations for strong, vibrant communities throughout Drogheda, Dundalk, and across Mid and South Louth.' She confirmed that key projects already being prioritised include the Drogheda Port Access Northern Cross Route (PANCR), the Ardee Bypass, a new North/Mid Louth Train Station, and strategic investment in ports and utilities. Meanwhile, Fianna Fáil TD Erin McGreehan welcomed the plan, noting: 'The NDP is about improving everyday life. Helping people find a home, cutting down on long commutes, and making sure every child can access the right kind of education.' Deputy McGreehan said her focus now is securing delivery for Louth: 'In Louth, we need to see real delivery on key projects like the Ardee Bypass, the reopening of Dunleer Train Station, and the construction of a new athletic track in Dundalk. These developments are essential for supporting growth and improving quality of life across the county.' She added: 'I've raised these priorities directly with the Minister, and I'll keep pushing to secure funding between now and Budget Day. Louth must get its fair share of this record investment.' Deputy Butterly echoed the sentiment, saying she would work closely over the summer with Tánaiste Simon Harris and Finance Minister Paschal Donohoe to keep Louth's priorities at the top of the agenda for Budget 2026. Both TDs stressed the importance of long-term planning. 'This is a once-in-a-generation chance to reshape Ireland's infrastructure and secure our future,' said Deputy McGreehan. 'By focusing on water, energy, and transport, we're preparing the ground for 300,000 new homes by 2030.'
Irish Independent
21-07-2025
- Business
- Irish Independent
Week ahead in business: Budget 2026, investment plans and online safety
Tomorrow, we will see publication of the summer economic statement, which sets out the Government's budgetary strategy and outlines the fiscal parameters for Budget 2026. Typically, the Finance Minister will announce the date of Budget Day. There will be lots of big numbers in the statement – the key one being the size of the package to be presented to the Dáil by Paschal Donohoe in October. Last year it was €8.3bn, with additional public spending of €6.9bn and tax measures of €1.4bn. That was one month before a general election, however, so the numbers might be smaller this year. Also tomorrow, we expect Public Expenditure Minister Jack Chambers will publish a review of the National Development Plan by his department. This covers all public capital investment to 2035. There should be plenty of money to spend here – given that both the proceeds of the Apple tax settlement and the sale of the State's share in AIB are in the kitty. The list of priorities set out by Mr Chambers is worth watching. So, too, will be figures published on Thursday by the Central Statistics Office in relation to house completions in the second quarter. The figure for the first quarter – January to March – was 5,938 dwelling completions, which was only 2pc up on the same period last year. From today, Coimisiún na Meán begins enforcement of the Online Safety Code for video-sharing platforms, which must verify users' ages before they access adult content. Niamh Hodnett, the Online Safety Commissioner, has said platforms will be checked to see what measures have they put in place. The governing council of the European Central Bank has a monetary policy meeting this week, and we will discover at its press conference on Thursday if interest rates are being changed. Breaking a long sequence of cuts, the expectation is that rates will stay the same.
IOL News
18-07-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
‘Rockets streaking through the night sky'
Former ANC Member of Parliament Yunus Carrim narrates the untold stories of the ANC's MK Special Operations Unit. Image: Supplied Blurb: For over three decades, the remarkable story of Umkhonto we Sizwe's Special Operations Unit has remained largely untold. Formed under the direct command of ANC president Oliver Tambo and senior ANC and SACP leader Joe Slovo, this elite unit executed some of the most daring and high-profile attacks against the apartheid state in the 1980s. In this groundbreaking book by ANC and SACP activist Yunus Carrim, the history of Special Ops is brought to life through the voices of its surviving participants. This is an account of the unit's daring attack on the SADF's militray fortress Voortrekkerhoogte. Between 22:30 and 23:00 on 12 August 1981, five 122-mm rockets from a Grad-P rocket launcher, used for the first time in South Africa, hit Voortrekkerhoogte, the main SADF base in the heart of Pretoria. The blasts were heard all over the city's southern and eastern suburbs. A resident described the loud noise as 'a grinding sound, like the sliding door of a panel van being opened'. He rushed outside to see rockets 'streaking through the night sky'. Zora Ahli saw 'four streaks of flame, one after the other, rising from open ground to the west, flashing right over her house moving eastwards. She likened the phenomenon to four shooting stars.' It's not clear exactly what was hit. A rocket certainly hit the house of a domestic worker. The other rockets hit a pillar of the military college, an ablution block, an open field, and one or two houses. One rocket seems to have failed to explode. Another cut through the corrugated-iron walls of a garage, went through a storeroom, passed between the storeroom and the domestic worker's room, struck the ground, and detonated. The force of the blast dislodged the roof of the room, burst the windows and toppled furniture. 'All I could see was fire … I just heard 'bam' and saw fire all over my room,' said Elsie Sekanka, the domestic worker. She scrambled out of the burning room and climbed through a broken window. The army was taken completely by surprise. They mounted a massive search for the perpetrators. They erected roadblocks throughout the Transvaal and searched cars and people. Entrances to Atteridgeville and Saulsville were blocked, and Soweto was cordoned off. Police in camouflage uniforms boarded the morning trains and searched commuters. Commissioner General Johann Coetzee said that the attack was 'a significant event because it had a psychological effect on the government by striking at the heart of its military forces'. The regime retaliated by bombing the ANC office in London The attack took place during the twentieth anniversary celebrations of South Africa becoming a republic. Coincidentally, it was also Budget Day, but the Voortrekkerhoogte attack overshadowed this. The operation was carried out by the ANC's Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) Special Operations Unit. The operational commander of the attack was Barney Molokoane, and the others in the unit were Johannes Mnisi, Johnny Mashigo, Vincent Sekete and Velaphi Mbele. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading Getting their ducks in a row Secluded among blue gum trees in Erasmia, a white area of Pretoria, was a smallholding, 'Mooiplaas', with a five-roomed farmhouse. It was about 600 metres from the police station. In June 1981, Nicholas Heath and Bonnie Muller, a British couple, rented Mooiplaas for R500 a year from Gerhard Basson. They said they were married and wanted to relax in South Africa as Heath recovered from ill health. But they were not married. Nor was Heath ill. Joe Slovo had recruited them. They were in South Africa to create a base for the cadres who were to attack Voortrekkerhoogte. Getting the Grad-P into the country was challenging. It was very difficult to create hidden compartments in a Ford bakkie, into which the Grad-P could fit. The barrel of a Grad-P is 2.54 metres long. The tripod mount weighs 27.7 kilograms, and the rocket weighs between 45.8 and 46.3 kilograms. 'What was remarkable about this operation was the difficulties we had packing the weapons in,' says Aboobaker Ismail (MK name Rashid). 'When I did the calculations, I didn't count the bits that were sticking out, so every time I modelled it – and I had built little models – I was somewhat out.' A metal frame was welded under the vehicle. The rocket launcher was mounted on a tripod under it with two rockets in the barrel, taking the weight to well over 100 kilograms. At the border, on returning to the bakkie after processing their passports, Muller and Heath found that it just wouldn't start. So, the distraught and nervous couple tried to push it. And the border guards very helpfully joined in! The bakkie got going again to their considerable relief. They were let through the border gates without the bakkie being checked. They waved a friendly bye-bye to the guards and went off again to ensure Voortrekkerhoogte was attacked. 'I mean, of all the things that can go wrong!' says Rashid laughingly. 'How many things are you meant to think of beforehand! All our meticulous planning – then this …' Into action Heath and Muller stocked Mooiplaas with food and other essentials for the five cadres to be based there. A few days later, Molokoane joined them. He posed as a gardener. Heath and Muller left the country. Shortly after 20:00 on 8 August 1981, the others crossed the Swaziland border. The cadres behaved as if they were labourers, in case anybody saw them. Philemon Malefo, Mnisi's friend, had a Ranchero bakkie. This was used to get the equipment to the firing point, about 4.5 kilometres from Voortrekkerhoogte. They got there at about 22:00 on 12 August. Shortly after 22:30, Molokoane fired the first rocket, which had 43 kilograms of high explosives. There was a huge roar. People in Laudium and Erasmia came out of their houses. Most presumed it was an SADF drill and watched with interest. With the crowd gathering, it 'was like being in FNB stadium,' Mnisi told journalist Esther Waugh later. A few people even leaned on the Ranchero as they watched. The cadres continued to fire rockets. Malefo got anxious about people being in his bakkie. He was also worried that somebody might take down the registration number and he'd be traced. So, he left in a hurry. Evading capture The cadres packed up the equipment quickly. But the getaway bakkie had disappeared. And roadblocks were being set up. Mnisi went to Malefo's place while Molokoane and the rest of the unit went back to Mooiplaas. The cadres bolted themselves in the farmhouse, closed the windows, drew the curtains and set up their defences. They put up mattresses and moved furniture around. They took positions around the windows and waited for an attack. They were in trouble but decided they'd fight to the death. For three days, security forces with tracker dogs and helicopters searched the area. Sometimes the cadres could hear the murmur of voices and the barking of dogs. The search party came right to the gate of Mooiplaas but, amazingly, decided that there was no one there. When the roadblocks eased, they left for Swaziland around 30 August. Malefo crossed at the Oshoek border legally in the Ranchero, while the others jumped over the fence and joined him on the Swaziland side. The following day, the cadres climbed over the Swaziland–Mozambique fence. It was about three weeks after the attack that the cadres returned to Maputo. 'I cannot describe the euphoria. Amazingly, everybody survived,' says Rashid. Slovo was thrilled. Oliver Tambo came to thank them for pulling the operation off. Significance beyond material damage 'We recognised that we could not take on the SADF in a full confrontational operation,' said Rashid. 'It would be suicidal – and we were never into suicide operations. We wanted the psychological impact of hitting it. That, here we are, taking on the enemy in its heart, in its biggest military base, so we left people under no illusion that we had the capability. The Boers didn't ever, in their wildest imagination, believe that we would have struck Voortrekkerhoogte. 'On the one hand, the police are saying, look at how useless they were; they didn't hit any significant targets. On the other hand, the people celebrated because here was the glorious MK taking on the Boers and hitting Voortrekkerhoogte right in the heart of the military machine. And what do you think the reaction was in the camps? Positive. If we're already hitting Voortrekkerhoogte, we're going home tomorrow – that's how they felt. They said we're sure the commanders will come to call us all to go to the front. And they all want to join Special Ops. 'The Boers were in a dilemma. On the one hand, they wanted to say what a big threat the ANC was, and on the other hand, they wanted to show how useless the ANC was. But now they had to deal with that question. Which is it? 'Maybe Voortrekkerhoogte portrayed MK as bigger than it was, as much more competent than we were. ' That it was attacked at all was very important. That a Grad-P was used from four and a half kilometres away added to its significance. That the cadres were able to get away safely despite a massive police search reinforced its significance. Whatever its limits, the attack showed that the SADF was not invincible. If the physical damage was little, the psychological impact was huge. Voortrekkerhoogte, after all, was the 'front garden' of the Defence Force. The ANC considered the attack to be 'a psychological landmark', noted Waugh in an article headlined 'Umkhonto's cheeky blow at the military core of apartheid'. It was the first direct attack on an army base. And it came shortly after the major Sasol and power stations operations. So, strategic sites of the apartheid regime – fuel, electricity and the military – were all hit within about fifteen months, signalling a new phase in the armed struggle. As armed propaganda, the goal was significantly achieved. And the attack on Voortrekkerhoogte became etched in the ANC's military history and an important part of its political capital, and it served to inspire many in the camps and outside to actively engage in the armed and broader political struggles. * The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
IOL News
18-07-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
‘Rockets streaking through the night sky'
Former ANC Member of Parliament Yunus Carrim narrates the untold stories of the ANC's MK Special Operations Unit. Image: Supplied Blurb: For over three decades, the remarkable story of Umkhonto we Sizwe's Special Operations Unit has remained largely untold. Formed under the direct command of ANC president Oliver Tambo and senior ANC and SACP leader Joe Slovo, this elite unit executed some of the most daring and high-profile attacks against the apartheid state in the 1980s. In this groundbreaking book by ANC and SACP activist Yunus Carrim, the history of Special Ops is brought to life through the voices of its surviving participants. This is an account of the unit's daring attack on the SADF's militray fortress Voortrekkerhoogte. Between 22:30 and 23:00 on 12 August 1981, five 122-mm rockets from a Grad-P rocket launcher, used for the first time in South Africa, hit Voortrekkerhoogte, the main SADF base in the heart of Pretoria. The blasts were heard all over the city's southern and eastern suburbs. A resident described the loud noise as 'a grinding sound, like the sliding door of a panel van being opened'. He rushed outside to see rockets 'streaking through the night sky'. Zora Ahli saw 'four streaks of flame, one after the other, rising from open ground to the west, flashing right over her house moving eastwards. She likened the phenomenon to four shooting stars.' It's not clear exactly what was hit. A rocket certainly hit the house of a domestic worker. The other rockets hit a pillar of the military college, an ablution block, an open field, and one or two houses. One rocket seems to have failed to explode. Another cut through the corrugated-iron walls of a garage, went through a storeroom, passed between the storeroom and the domestic worker's room, struck the ground, and detonated. The force of the blast dislodged the roof of the room, burst the windows and toppled furniture. 'All I could see was fire … I just heard 'bam' and saw fire all over my room,' said Elsie Sekanka, the domestic worker. She scrambled out of the burning room and climbed through a broken window. The army was taken completely by surprise. They mounted a massive search for the perpetrators. They erected roadblocks throughout the Transvaal and searched cars and people. Entrances to Atteridgeville and Saulsville were blocked, and Soweto was cordoned off. Police in camouflage uniforms boarded the morning trains and searched commuters. Commissioner General Johann Coetzee said that the attack was 'a significant event because it had a psychological effect on the government by striking at the heart of its military forces'. The regime retaliated by bombing the ANC office in London The attack took place during the twentieth anniversary celebrations of South Africa becoming a republic. Coincidentally, it was also Budget Day, but the Voortrekkerhoogte attack overshadowed this. The operation was carried out by the ANC's Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) Special Operations Unit. The operational commander of the attack was Barney Molokoane, and the others in the unit were Johannes Mnisi, Johnny Mashigo, Vincent Sekete and Velaphi Mbele. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Getting their ducks in a row Secluded among blue gum trees in Erasmia, a white area of Pretoria, was a smallholding, 'Mooiplaas', with a five-roomed farmhouse. It was about 600 metres from the police station. In June 1981, Nicholas Heath and Bonnie Muller, a British couple, rented Mooiplaas for R500 a year from Gerhard Basson. They said they were married and wanted to relax in South Africa as Heath recovered from ill health. But they were not married. Nor was Heath ill. Joe Slovo had recruited them. They were in South Africa to create a base for the cadres who were to attack Voortrekkerhoogte. Getting the Grad-P into the country was challenging. It was very difficult to create hidden compartments in a Ford bakkie, into which the Grad-P could fit. The barrel of a Grad-P is 2.54 metres long. The tripod mount weighs 27.7 kilograms, and the rocket weighs between 45.8 and 46.3 kilograms. 'What was remarkable about this operation was the difficulties we had packing the weapons in,' says Aboobaker Ismail (MK name Rashid). 'When I did the calculations, I didn't count the bits that were sticking out, so every time I modelled it – and I had built little models – I was somewhat out.' A metal frame was welded under the vehicle. The rocket launcher was mounted on a tripod under it with two rockets in the barrel, taking the weight to well over 100 kilograms. At the border, on returning to the bakkie after processing their passports, Muller and Heath found that it just wouldn't start. So, the distraught and nervous couple tried to push it. And the border guards very helpfully joined in! The bakkie got going again to their considerable relief. They were let through the border gates without the bakkie being checked. They waved a friendly bye-bye to the guards and went off again to ensure Voortrekkerhoogte was attacked. 'I mean, of all the things that can go wrong!' says Rashid laughingly. 'How many things are you meant to think of beforehand! All our meticulous planning – then this …' Into action Heath and Muller stocked Mooiplaas with food and other essentials for the five cadres to be based there. A few days later, Molokoane joined them. He posed as a gardener. Heath and Muller left the country. Shortly after 20:00 on 8 August 1981, the others crossed the Swaziland border. The cadres behaved as if they were labourers, in case anybody saw them. Philemon Malefo, Mnisi's friend, had a Ranchero bakkie. This was used to get the equipment to the firing point, about 4.5 kilometres from Voortrekkerhoogte. They got there at about 22:00 on 12 August. Shortly after 22:30, Molokoane fired the first rocket, which had 43 kilograms of high explosives. There was a huge roar. People in Laudium and Erasmia came out of their houses. Most presumed it was an SADF drill and watched with interest. With the crowd gathering, it 'was like being in FNB stadium,' Mnisi told journalist Esther Waugh later. A few people even leaned on the Ranchero as they watched. The cadres continued to fire rockets. Malefo got anxious about people being in his bakkie. He was also worried that somebody might take down the registration number and he'd be traced. So, he left in a hurry. Evading capture The cadres packed up the equipment quickly. But the getaway bakkie had disappeared. And roadblocks were being set up. Mnisi went to Malefo's place while Molokoane and the rest of the unit went back to Mooiplaas. The cadres bolted themselves in the farmhouse, closed the windows, drew the curtains and set up their defences. They put up mattresses and moved furniture around. They took positions around the windows and waited for an attack. They were in trouble but decided they'd fight to the death. For three days, security forces with tracker dogs and helicopters searched the area. Sometimes the cadres could hear the murmur of voices and the barking of dogs. The search party came right to the gate of Mooiplaas but, amazingly, decided that there was no one there. When the roadblocks eased, they left for Swaziland around 30 August. Malefo crossed at the Oshoek border legally in the Ranchero, while the others jumped over the fence and joined him on the Swaziland side. The following day, the cadres climbed over the Swaziland–Mozambique fence. It was about three weeks after the attack that the cadres returned to Maputo. 'I cannot describe the euphoria. Amazingly, everybody survived,' says Rashid. Slovo was thrilled. Oliver Tambo came to thank them for pulling the operation off. Significance beyond material damage 'We recognised that we could not take on the SADF in a full confrontational operation,' said Rashid. 'It would be suicidal – and we were never into suicide operations. We wanted the psychological impact of hitting it. That, here we are, taking on the enemy in its heart, in its biggest military base, so we left people under no illusion that we had the capability. The Boers didn't ever, in their wildest imagination, believe that we would have struck Voortrekkerhoogte. 'On the one hand, the police are saying, look at how useless they were; they didn't hit any significant targets. On the other hand, the people celebrated because here was the glorious MK taking on the Boers and hitting Voortrekkerhoogte right in the heart of the military machine. And what do you think the reaction was in the camps? Positive. If we're already hitting Voortrekkerhoogte, we're going home tomorrow – that's how they felt. They said we're sure the commanders will come to call us all to go to the front. And they all want to join Special Ops. 'The Boers were in a dilemma. On the one hand, they wanted to say what a big threat the ANC was, and on the other hand, they wanted to show how useless the ANC was. But now they had to deal with that question. Which is it? 'Maybe Voortrekkerhoogte portrayed MK as bigger than it was, as much more competent than we were. ' That it was attacked at all was very important. That a Grad-P was used from four and a half kilometres away added to its significance. That the cadres were able to get away safely despite a massive police search reinforced its significance. Whatever its limits, the attack showed that the SADF was not invincible. If the physical damage was little, the psychological impact was huge. Voortrekkerhoogte, after all, was the 'front garden' of the Defence Force. The ANC considered the attack to be 'a psychological landmark', noted Waugh in an article headlined 'Umkhonto's cheeky blow at the military core of apartheid'. It was the first direct attack on an army base. And it came shortly after the major Sasol and power stations operations. So, strategic sites of the apartheid regime – fuel, electricity and the military – were all hit within about fifteen months, signalling a new phase in the armed struggle. As armed propaganda, the goal was significantly achieved. And the attack on Voortrekkerhoogte became etched in the ANC's military history and an important part of its political capital, and it served to inspire many in the camps and outside to actively engage in the armed and broader political struggles. * The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
