Latest news with #BullMoose
The Hill
20-07-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
The real message behind Musk's America Party
America has never lacked political showmen. So when Elon Musk — a man as comfortable launching rockets as launching tweets — announces his intention to form a new political party, the instinctive response is skepticism, if not outright derision. Call it the 'America Party,' he says, a banner for those tired of both elephants and donkeys. Naturally, the memes wrote themselves. But peel away the theatrics, and something more consequential is hiding in plain sight: the yearning. Americans are not necessarily flocking to Musk's cause, but millions are scanning the horizon for something else. The spectacle may be Musk's — but the discontent it feeds on is widely shared. It is tempting to dismiss this moment as déjà vu. Third-party attempts are stitched into America's political folklore. From Theodore Roosevelt's Bull Moose insurgency to Ross Perot's data-heavy crusade, outsiders have long challenged the duopoly, only to be crushed by the machinery of incumbency. The U.S. political system, with its winner-take-all incentives and rigid party structures, has proven uniquely impervious to disruption. But today's landscape feels different — not because the rules have changed, but because the public mood has. Start with trust — once a civic virtue, now a casualty. A Pew Research survey earlier this year found that only 22 percent of Americans trust the federal government to do what is right 'just about always' or 'most of the time' — down from over 70 percent in the 1960s. Meanwhile, Gallup reports that confidence in Congress sits at around 10 percent. This isn't apathy. It's disillusionment — a broad-based sense that the current political structure no longer listens, let alone delivers. On July 3, Musk announced he formed the America Party, sparking immediate speculation about 2026 House races. A SnapPoll24 survey days later found 27 percent of Gen Z and Millennial respondents 'interested' in supporting a non-affiliated candidate in 2026 — numbers that would have been inconceivable a decade ago. Into this void steps Musk. Not with policy, not yet — but with performance. And in a media ecosystem where attention is power, that's often enough. His platform remains a cipher, but the appeal is clear: disruption without the burden of ideology. In an era when Democrats speak the lexicon of elite progressivism and Republicans oscillate between grievance and populism, Musk is offering a third lane defined not by ideas but by estrangement. Of course, the barriers to entry remain formidable. Ballot access laws, campaign finance hurdles and entrenched party loyalties conspire to keep challengers out. But technology, once the ally of incumbents, now levels the field. A candidate with a smartphone, a war chest, and a loyal digital following can bypass gatekeepers entirely. Donald Trump did it in 2016. Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) also built a movement with little more than a microphone and a mailing list. And the center, as they say, cannot hold. Political polarization has pushed the parties to their ideological poles, leaving a vast no-man's-land where independents, moderates and suburban voters wander unaffiliated. Recent data shows that 43 percent of Americans identify as independents. The appetite for a new voice is real. What remains elusive is whether it can be organized into a coherent political force. That's where most third-party ventures falter. They speak fluent grievance but go silent on governance. They thrive on outrage, but wither when the conversation turns to solutions. That's not a bug; it's the structure. Populism, left or right, is easiest to sell when your only goal is to sneer at the system. Governing, however, requires trade-offs — something Musk has famously disdained, whether building tunnels or tweeting policy. Still, disruption has value, even when it fails. By threatening the status quo, it can jolt legacy parties into responsiveness. Consider Emmanuel Macron in France. His upstart party dislodged a calcified system not because it was flawless, but because it was fresh. Similar stories have played out in Italy, Chile, and even Taiwan — democracies where old parties collapsed under the weight of their own complacency. The U.S., with its older institutions and more rigid rules, may prove harder to crack — but pressure matters. America's founders never envisioned permanent political parties. They built a framework — checks, balances, federalism — that could outlast any faction. That resilience is a double-edged sword. It guards against demagoguery, yes, but also cushions the sclerosis of status quo governance. Change, when it comes, is rarely elegant. But it is often catalyzed by those who seem least likely to lead it. So no, the America Party is unlikely to take Congress by storm. It may not even make it past a news cycle. But its emergence is a flare, signaling a deeper instability in the system. If Democrats and Republicans choose to ignore it, they do so at their peril. Voters are not disengaged — they're disenchanted. And if Musk's provocation forces the parties to rethink how they earn trust, rather than expect it, then even his most outlandish political experiment will have served a purpose. The challenge — and opportunity — for America's institutions is not to suppress these new voices, but to absorb their critiques and adapt. Ranked-choice voting, open primaries and campaign finance reform are not silver bullets, but they might be the scaffolding for a democracy that listens before it crumbles. It is often said that democracies renew themselves not through revolution, but through adaptation. Perhaps this is one of those moments. And perhaps it will take the world's richest man, hurling rhetorical grenades at both parties, to remind the establishment that the center of gravity is not fixed. It moves — sometimes suddenly — and often under their feet.
Time of India
07-07-2025
- Business
- Time of India
Politics isn't rocket science: The reason Elon Musk cannot hurt Donald Trump right now – and is unlikely to do so in the future
A CNN analysis – an organisation that is equally berated by break-up bros Donald Trump and Elon Musk – summed up the current impasse, or Musk's inability to dent Trump, with the line: 'Politics isn't rocket science. If it were, President Donald Trump might have something more to worry about in his reignited feud with his estranged 'first buddy' Elon Musk. ' A few months ago, right after Trump reclaimed the White House, he couldn't stop gushing about his friend Elon. When SpaceX's Starship booster landed back on its chopstick arms after a test flight, Trump said at a campaign rally: 'Did you see the way that sucker landed today? That's the greatest thing I've ever seen. Elon is an absolute genius – nobody else could ever do that.' In 1952, Israel offered its presidency to Albert Einstein. The man who split the atom and redefined the universe's laws could have been a ceremonial head of state. Einstein declined, saying he lacked 'the natural aptitude and experience to deal properly with people.' Politics, he knew, isn't rocket science or quantum mechanics. And that's the rub. The greatest physicist of modern history turned down politics. Elon Musk, who fancies himself the Einstein of our era, is now discovering why. Musk and Trump: Rockets, Casinos, and the Art of Betrayal Elon Musk and Donald Trump were never meant to be friends for long. One built his empire launching rockets into orbit and cars down highways; the other built his by branding steaks, casinos, and tower facades with his name. For months, they operated as allies of convenience: Musk bankrolled Trump's 2024 re-election with nearly $300 million, and Trump rewarded him with sweeping powers as head of the newly minted Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), a role so absurd it sounded like a Shiba Inu meme come alive. Musk appeared in the Oval Office in February wielding a chainsaw on stage at CPAC to symbolise the slashing of government bloat. For a while, it worked. Trump basked in the billionaire's adulation, Musk relished the keys to the kingdom, and together they created an unholy tech-populist fusion that made Wall Street swoon. Then came the 'big, beautiful bill.' Trump pushed through his MAGA megabill – an infrastructure-cum-tax-cum-spending package that ballooned the deficit. Musk, who once championed balanced budgets and deflationary discipline, called it a 'disgusting abomination.' He threatened to primary every Republican who voted for it and set up a new political party – the America Party – to punish the betrayal. Trump, in turn, branded Musk as 'off the rails,' warning that third parties never succeed and only create 'disruption and chaos.' Their bromance shattered into a predictable feud driven by ego, ideology, and billions in threatened EV subsidies. Third Parties in America: History's Graveyard of Outsiders Trump is not wrong about history. Third parties in America are where political ambitions go to die. Theodore Roosevelt's Bull Moose insurgency in 1912 split the Republican vote, handing Woodrow Wilson the White House. George Wallace's segregationist campaign in 1968 won five states but ended with Nixon's landslide. Ross Perot, the Texas billionaire, won 19% of the popular vote in 1992 on a balanced budget platform but zero electoral votes. Ralph Nader's Green Party in 2000 siphoned just enough votes in Florida to swing the presidency to George W. Bush. America's first-past-the-post electoral system punishes split tickets. Ballot access is a bureaucratic labyrinth. Media gatekeeping and debate exclusions freeze out challengers. And the 'spoiler effect' haunts voters who might agree with a third party's ideals but fear wasting their vote. These structural barriers have buried every insurgent from the Socialist Eugene V. Debs to the Libertarian Gary Johnson. Musk's venture risks the same fate. Politics isn't rocket science. If it were, Trump might have something to worry about. But as CNN's analysis put it: 'Nothing in the explosive and now-soured flirtation of the world's richest man with politics suggests he has the magic touch to spark the kind of creative disruption in the Republican Party that he set off in the orbital and electric vehicle industries.' Why This Isn't Ceteris Paribus: Musk's X Factor Yet Musk is not a normal third-party candidate. He has two weapons no one in history possessed simultaneously: 1. Limitless Money – Musk spent nearly $300 million in 2024. That's more than Perot spent in inflation-adjusted dollars. His war chest can bankroll national petition drives, recruit insurgent candidates, and saturate swing states with advertising until the last undecided voter dreams of dogecoin. 2. The World's Largest Media Platform – Musk owns X (Twitter). Roosevelt needed newspapers, Perot needed paid infomercials, Wallace needed the Deep South's racial demagogues. Musk has 500 million monthly active users and algorithms he personally controls. He polled his followers about forming the America Party; 1.2 million voted in hours, 65% saying yes. If politics is narrative warfare, Musk owns the battlefield. His reach is unmatched. Trump's Truth Social has under 10 million monthly users. Musk has over 210 million followers himself. The asymmetry is stark. In 2016, Trump was the insurgent meme-lord on Twitter. In 2025, Musk is the overlord of X, able to amplify, censor, or bury discourse at whim. But Does He Have a Political Base? This is Musk's existential problem. As CNN noted: 'Beyond the tech world, where he used his rock star status to funnel young, disaffected male voters toward Trump, it's not clear that Musk has a broader constituency.' Musk's online fandom is massive but shallow. Tesla owners love his cars, not necessarily his politics. SpaceX fans marvel at his rockets, not his fiscal conservatism. The MAGA base is cult-like in its loyalty to Trump. Even Vice President JD Vance – once touted as a Musk ally – chose Trump when forced to pick sides. Pollster Lee Carter put it bluntly to CNN: 'Donald Trump is the one that has the huge following. Elon Musk certainly helped Donald Trump in the election… but it wasn't Elon Musk who was center-stage and I don't think that we're going to see people follow Elon Musk in the same way that we saw with the MAGA movement.' Musk's Political Failures So Far If politics were rocket science, Musk's orbital genius would be unstoppable. But his forays suggest otherwise. His most prominent individual foray – the Wisconsin Supreme Court race – was a fiasco. Musk poured millions behind a conservative candidate, only to watch her lose by 10 points. Voters recoiled from his intervention. Tesla's stock has slumped as Musk's brand becomes increasingly partisan, alienating Europe's EV market. His tenure as DOGE chief was theatrically underwhelming. The chainsaw he brandished at CPAC to symbolise cost cuts ended up symbolising something else entirely: the severing of his relationship with Trump. Trump's Fortress GOP The Republican Party remains Trump's fortress. For a decade, he has purged dissenters and fused his brand into its DNA. He turned a mainstream conservative party into an ethno-nationalist, populist machine with himself as the sun around which all orbit. Musk's America Party threatens to be the Bull Moose Redux – siphoning votes from Republicans, helping Democrats win, but never seizing power. Trump knows this. That's why he dismissed Musk's gambit with scorn rather than fear. But Musk's goal may not be to dethrone Trump. It may be to outlast him. At 53, Musk is decades younger. If Trump's empire crumbles – through scandal, age, or electoral defeat – Musk could inherit a disillusioned conservative base seeking a new anti-establishment saviour. The Einstein Principle Albert Einstein declined Israel's presidency because he knew genius in physics doesn't translate to political dexterity. Musk might yet learn the same lesson. Rockets obey gravity and thrust. Politics obeys no laws but human loyalty, prejudice, memory, and fear. Even if Musk builds the America Party into a disruptive force, he cannot run for president. The Constitution forbids foreign-born citizens from holding the office. He would need a surrogate – a puppet candidate with the charisma to galvanise voters, the obedience to follow Musk's script, and the moral flexibility to survive in politics' mud. Finding such a creature is as improbable as landing a rocket booster upright on a floating barge. But then again, Musk did that. As Trump himself once exclaimed at a rally after a Falcon Heavy landing: 'Did you see the way that sucker landed today?' Today, Trump's view has changed. He threatens Musk with executive retribution. 'DOGE is the monster that might have to go back and eat Elon,' he warned ominously, suggesting presidential power could be wielded to crush Musk's companies. In any other era, such a statement might trigger impeachment hearings. In the Trump era, it was Tuesday. The Final Equation Politics isn't rocket science. That is both Trump's salvation and Musk's curse. History suggests Musk's America Party is unlikely to dethrone Trump. But history also shows third parties can wound. Teddy Roosevelt's Bull Moose handed the presidency to Wilson. Ross Perot arguably handed it to Clinton. Ralph Nader gifted Florida to Bush. If Musk siphons just 3–5% of Republican voters, he could hand Democrats the House in 2026 or the presidency in 2028. Trump calls Musk 'off the rails.' Perhaps. But when a rocket goes off the rails, it doesn't just crash – it explodes, taking everything nearby with it. Einstein refused power because he understood its limits. Musk craves it because he doesn't. That difference may doom his political ambitions – or make them the most dangerous third-party experiment in American history. After all, politics isn't rocket science. If it were, Elon Musk would already be president. If he wasn't South African.
Yahoo
04-02-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Record Store Day creator Chris Brown leaving Bull Moose music chain
Feb. 4—Chris Brown, a fixture in Maine's music scene and a founder of the national Record Store Day, is leaving the Bull Moose chain this week. Brown, 56, said Tuesday he's leaving the Maine music and bookstore chain to start his own music marketing firm, Chris Brown 33. His last day at Bull Moose will be Friday. Though his title was vice president of finance, Brown was well-known for his insights into the music business, particularly when it came to new local music. He appeared regularly on the News Center Maine TV show "207" to talk about local bestsellers and made videos to promote special releases coming out for Record Store Day each year. Brown said he'll continue to make videos highlighting new releases — and promoting Record Store Day — on his own website. He'll also work with musicians and record labels around the country to help promote their music. "I'm going to be doing a lot of the same things I was doing at Bull Moose, helping people find great music, helping musicians and labels get their stuff heard," said Brown. "It's just time for me to do this." Brown was one of Bull Moose's first employees, hired by founder Brett Wickard to work at the chain's first store, in Brunswick in 1989. Both were students at Bowdoin College at the time. Brown worked at the store until 1991, while studying music composition at Bowdoin. He left for a few years before rejoining the company in 1996. Today the chain has 11 stores in Maine and New Hampshire. Though Brown has become known for his passion for music during his time at Bull Moose, he said he's enjoyed his financial duties too, as they employ a different part of his brain. He said Tuesday his departure had nothing to do with the company's ownership change in recent years. In 2022 Wickard sold the company to its employees, as part of an employee stock ownership plan, or ESOP. "I loved the ESOP conversion, it's been great for Bull Moose," said Brown, who will continue to live north of Portland, as he starts his new business. Brown helped hatch the idea for Record Store Day in 2007 , suggesting it to other indie record store owners around the country, via email. The idea was to put a focus on indie record stores by highlighting special releases and in-store performances and artist appearances. The first one was held in 2008 and has been held annually since. The next Record Store Day is scheduled for April 12, 2025. Copy the Story Link
