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World Emoji Day 2025: Date, history, significance, celebrations — all you need to know
World Emoji Day 2025: Date, history, significance, celebrations — all you need to know

Indian Express

time6 days ago

  • Entertainment
  • Indian Express

World Emoji Day 2025: Date, history, significance, celebrations — all you need to know

World Emoji Day 2025: In the digital world of social media, emojis have become a crucial element of our everyday communication. They have emerged as a popular and convenient means for communicating emotions and reactions to those on the other end of our screens and social media, whether using platforms like Instagram, WhatsApp, X, or more. Additionally, emojis have improved communication by overcoming language barriers and have developed into an essential instrument for modern communication, expressing everything from joy to grief to humour. Every year, on July 17, World Emoji Day is observed globally to emphasise their significance and celebrate their use. Jeremy Burge, the inventor of Emojipedia, a popular online resource for emoji-related knowledge, developed this unique observance in 2014. Burge, an emoji enthusiast, witnessed the expanding influence and importance of emojis in modern communication. As a result, he decided to create a special day to commemorate these digital icons, and July 17 was chosen as the date for World Emoji Day because it corresponds to the 'calendar' emoji. The celebration of World Emoji Day gained popularity over time, drawing interest from people, brands, and tech companies worldwide. It was first recognised in 2014 through several online activities and emoji-based debates. World Emoji Day has become more well-known and well-liked over time. Emojis' global appeal, cultural significance, and ability to bridge gaps and unite people in the digital age are the main reasons for their popularity. 💬 Your favorite #emojis don't just pop up by magic. Ever wonder where they hang out? They're tiny bytes, quietly waiting on fast, intelligent storage—ready to shine the moment you tap.✨ This #WorldEmojiDay, give a shoutout to the unseen stars of your chats!🤩😊😍😀😉🤗… — Huawei IT Products & Solutions (@IT_Huawei) July 17, 2025

Why is Gen Z getting more religious? We asked them.
Why is Gen Z getting more religious? We asked them.

Vox

time10-06-2025

  • General
  • Vox

Why is Gen Z getting more religious? We asked them.

is the host of Explain It to Me, your hotline for all your unanswered questions. She joined Vox in 2022 as a senior producer and then as host of The Weeds, Vox's policy podcast. A parishioner prays during a visit to the Holy Name Cathedral in Chicago on May 8, 2025, after learning that Pope Leo XIV, who was born in Chicago, had been named as first American leader of the Catholic Church.A couple weeks ago, I did something I try to do at least once a month: I went to the church I'm a member of in person instead of online. Growing up, church was a regular part of my life, and not just on Sundays. My father is a pastor, so it was common to spend a weekday evening doing my homework in my dad's office, music from choir rehearsal pouring in as I finished whatever worksheet was due the next day. It's an institution that shaped me: It's where I made a lot of friends, it gave me my first taste of public speaking, and since pastors in my denomination are moved from church to church, it also determined what city I lived in and where I went to school. When I was a kid, attendance was obviously less in my control. If I didn't go to church on Sunday, that meant no hanging with friends the following week. 'If you can't make time for the Lord, how can you make time for something else?' was my mother's refrain. The choice is mine now. I enjoy hearing the songs that were the soundtrack for so much of my childhood. I like saying hello to the people I see week after week. I like the Black liberation theology interpretation of the Bible that I hear every Sunday. And my experience, it turns out, is not unique. As we discussed in the most recent episode of Explain It to Me, Vox's call-in podcast, Gen Z has been finding religion these last few years. It's a phenomenon that reverses some recent trends — and one for which experts are trying to find an explanation. The changing face of religion in America It's a development that Ryan Burge has been keeping his eye on. He was a Baptist pastor for 20 years, and now he's an associate professor of political science at Eastern Illinois University. Burge stepped away from ministry because the attendance in his church was declining: Members were aging, and there weren't a lot of young people to keep it alive. 'It's almost like every year, you expect [the share of Christians in the country] to be one point lower than the prior year, or two points lower than the prior year,' Burge told me. 'Every generation is less Christian than the prior generation, going all the way back to the early 1900s. And what's fascinating is that the drop is very consistent.' According to Burge, Catholicism is seeing a huge rise in young men. Now, though, Burge says that not only is that decline tapering off, but 'on some metrics, this data says that young people are actually more likely to be weekly religious attenders than millennials are. This is huge — we've never seen that before. We always assumed religion's going to continue to decline, and it doesn't look like that decline is continuing.' When we asked Explain It to Me listeners about their own experiences with spirituality, we got a wide array of responses. 'I did not grow up going to church. My family never went to church when I was younger, but I always had questions and felt like something bigger was out there,' one listener told us. 'So as soon as I could drive myself, I went to church and started looking for those answers.' Another — a self-described 'cradle Catholic' who has made her way back to religion — called in to say that, 'I understand why a lot of young people are actually going back to religion. It's because there's no other place to turn to in order to see what's wrong with life.' Why is religion making a comeback? So what's behind this uptick? The hypotheses are legion. 'To be a young person is to rebel against your parents,' Burge says. 'In my generation it was like, 'Oh, I grew up very hardcore Catholic or evangelical and so I became an atheist.' That was the most rebellious thing you can do. But imagine if you are a second-generation atheist or third-generation atheist. You know what the most rebellious thing you can do? It's to be Orthodox Christian or be Catholic.' Gender could also be at play. Through the years, more women have been regular church attendees than men, but we're not seeing that with Gen Z. According to Burge, Catholicism is seeing a huge rise in young men. 'I wonder if politics might be driving this religious divide among young people. Women had Time's Up and Me Too. … I think a lot of men feel like they're being overlooked. And if you go to a Catholic church, it's one of the few places in society where men have a privileged position in that hierarchy.' That's a sentiment that was echoed recently during a young adult group at St. Dominic's Catholic Church in San Francisco. In the group, men outnumber women. Father Patrick Verney, who runs the group, acknowledges the shift. 'This is very different from how it's always been in the past. In the past it's always been more women than men,' he said. 'This particular trend that you're talking about is unique in the history of humanity in a certain respect, certainly in the history of Christianity.'

School presidents celebrate the value of faith-based higher education
School presidents celebrate the value of faith-based higher education

Yahoo

time10-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

School presidents celebrate the value of faith-based higher education

WASHINGTON — Nearly 2 million students attend faith-based colleges and universities, a fast-growing segment of American higher education that now has a new tool to share its story. Over 50 college and university presidents gathered Monday at the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts in the nation's capital and vigorously applauded after watching the first episode of a new BYUtv documentary series, 'Higher Ed: The Power of Faith-Inspired Learning in America." 'Faith-based institutions are the bedrock of American higher education, and we've not paid adequate attention to that role and to that responsibility,' said Ted Mitchell, president of the American Council on Education. ACE launched a Commission on Faith-based Colleges and Universities last year and Monday's event drew the presidents of dozens of commission member schools, including Notre Dame, Yeshiva University and Brigham Young University. The event also drew representatives of the U.S. Department of Education, the Faith Angle Forum, the American Enterprise Institute and the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty, as well as reporters from The Washington Post and other media outlets. The new BYUtv documentary highlights students and presidents at three faith-based schools — Catholic University of America, Taylor University and BYU-Hawaii. 'This is a way of saying, 'Faith institutions have a contribution to make,'' said Elder Clark G. Gilbert, the commissioner of education for The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Two additional episodes will be released in August and will include students from other commission schools. Those schools amount to 10% of the nation's colleges and universities and are excited to tell their stories, four presidents said during a panel discussion. Their stories need to be told even to people of faith, said Ryan Burge, the event's keynote speaker and a well-known analyst of data on faith and religion at Eastern Illinois University. Burge said it's a myth that college is a place where students lose their faith. 'College is not antithetical to religion,' he said. 'In some ways, it accelerates religion, enhances religion.' Data shows that the more educated Americans are, the more faithful they are, Burge said. He has found that the more Americans are educated and faithful, the more they flourish in numerous data sets. 'To summarize, education is good. Religion is good. Education plus religion is good,' he said. 'It causes trust. It makes us more loving of our neighbors. It increases our income. It increases all these outcomes.' In the documentary, Isabela Barboza said she decided to attend Catholic University of America because she decided that 'if religion is part of my life, it has to be part of my education and formation.' Taylor University student Hannah Wylie, whose parents attended Harvard and Brown, said she struggled before turning down her own Ivy League offer to attend the small evangelical school in Upland, Indiana. She is grateful she did. 'I wanted to be taught to think deeply about things I was doing,' she said in the documentary. 'I wanted to do things for a purpose.' Every college and university president in America is grappling with data that shows students facing a crisis of meaning in their lives. Rabbi Avi Berman, the president of Yeshiva University, took a moment of gratitude during the panel discussion because he found the documentary powerful. 'Young people are looking to university to find themselves and their values because they are not seeing answers to their deep, existential questions in the ephemeral choices being offered them in other institutions,' he said. Lipscomb University President Candice McQueen said she was grateful the documentary illustrated what colleges and universities like her Churches of Christ school in Nashville, Tennessee, bring to the table. The Rev. Robert Dowd, president of the University of Notre Dame, said his school takes a both-and approach to the holistic growth of its students. 'Notre Dame is a place where we educate the whole person, where both faith and reason are engaged, where matters of the heart as well as the life of the mind are very much valued,' he said. 'We want our students to grow not only in understanding, in knowledge and in technical skills but in wisdom, and we want them to grow in faith, hope and love.' Among those in attendance were BYU President Shane Reese, BYU-Idaho President Alvin Meredith, BYU-Pathway Worldwide President Brian Ashton and Ensign College President Bruce Kusch. BYU-Hawaii President John Kauwe wasn't at the Kennedy Center, but he was seen in the documentary riding a skateboard on the Laie, Hawaii, campus in white Nikes with a black swoosh and a splash of blue. 'What faith-based institutions offer is another type of belonging,' Kauwe says in the 30-minute film. The presidents met in working groups in the morning to learn about best practices around issues like hiring people who fit a school's mission and how to share and elevate stories about their faith-based schools. Elder Gilbert said the Commission on Faith-based Colleges and Universities creates a friendship for every school. 'There is connectivity for those who always feel like the odd man out,' he said.

Are Latter-day Saints shifting left? Here's what the data shows
Are Latter-day Saints shifting left? Here's what the data shows

Yahoo

time03-06-2025

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Are Latter-day Saints shifting left? Here's what the data shows

An analysis of the 2024 presidential election found that politically moderate and younger Latter-day Saints have 'warmed up' to President Donald Trump after swinging away from the Republican candidate in 2016 and 2020. The Republican rebound among young and moderate voters goes against some predictions of a permanent Latter-day Saint shift toward the Democratic Party during the Trump era, according to a comparison of election data published Monday by political scientist Ryan Burge. 'There's nothing here that says that the LDS vote is trending to the left,' Burge told the Deseret News. 'You can't look at the data and make that claim.' Trump's initial lackluster showing among Latter-day Saints in 2016 has largely been reversed, Burge shows, with moderate voters moving 15 percentage points toward Trump since 2020, and younger voters jumping 25 points back his direction. Much has been made of Latter-day Saints' lukewarm reception of Trump in 2016. That year, Trump received just 52% of the Latter-day Saint vote — down 30 percentage points from Mitt Romney in 2012, and 20 points from John McCain in 2008. The drop was mostly caused by Trump's bid pushing 26% of Latter-day Saint voters toward third-party candidate Evan McMullin, Burge said, while 22% voted for Hillary Clinton. But with no viable third-party alternative in 2020 and 2024, Trump's vote share among Latter-day Saints surged, resulting in identical results both times: with 66% of Latter-day Saints voting for Trump, and 30% for his opponent. 'I think most of the hesitancy people had about Trump went away,' Burge said. Burge's calculations are based on the latest data from the Cooperative Election Study, an election-year poll that surveyed 144,500 people from 2022 to 2024, including 1,600 self-identified Latter-day Saints. Taking a deeper look at the Latter-day Saint data reveals multiple transformations occurring simultaneously within one of the most religiously and civically active demographics in the United States. While Latter-day Saint voters continue to lean heavily Republican, Trump's rise to the top of conservative politics has contributed to real changes in Latter-day Saint political identification. Republican Party affiliation among Latter-day Saints fell from around 75% before Trump, to 64% in 2016, 62% in 2020 and 58% in 2024. Democratic affiliation, on the other hand, increased by 9 points, to 25%, and the percentage of independents doubled to 17%, during the same time period. Meanwhile, the share of Latter-day Saints who identify as 'conservative' fell from 61% to 50%, leading to an increase in self-described 'moderates' from 30% to 38%. But, as can be seen in the overall Latter-day Saint vote, these shifts have not translated to the ballot box. Trump's performance among Latter-day Saints has actually improved, paradoxically, as some voters attempt to distance themselves from certain conservative labels, Burge said. In 2016, 64% of Latter-day Saint voters identified as Republicans, and 61% as conservative, but Trump received around 50% of their vote. In 2024, GOP affiliation had fallen to 58%, and conservative identity to 50%, but Trump netted 66% of the Latter-day Saint vote. These crosscurrents could represent a desire among a substantial portion of Latter-day Saints to remain independent from 'the whole MAGA movement,' Burge said, even if they can't stomach the Democratic alternative and still vote for Trump. 'A lot of people want to say they're ideologically moderate but if you actually look at the way those groups vote, it's almost always leaning to what the larger group does,' Burge said. 'A vote's a binary choice, you don't get to stand in the middle on that.' Opposing pressures among the Latter-day Saint electorate have created a genuine 'swing voting bloc' among moderates, according to Burge. In 2020, moderate Latter-day Saints favored Joe Biden over Trump by 27 points, with nearly 60% voting Democrat. In 2024, however, moderate Latter-day Saints were split down the middle between Trump and Kamala Harris. Many of these swing voters appear to be those who came of age amid Trump's dominance in American politics. Less than one-third, 31%, of Latter-day Saint voters age 18-35 cast their ballot for Trump in 2020. But in 2024, Trump received support from 56% of young Latter-day Saints. The flip among young and moderate Latter-day Saint voters likely has something to do with tribal identities, and voters wanting to fit in with their community, Burge said, pointing out that 75% of Latter-day Saints over 50 voted for Trump in 2024. What's more, the relatively small gap in partisan affiliation among the youngest Latter-day Saint voters — with about 50% identifying as Republican and 35% as Democrat — is likely to grow over time because voters tend to become more conservative as they age, Burge said. But the increase in support for Trump among young Latter-day Saints might also reflect a process of self-selection, according to Burge. Politics has a greater impact on religious loyalties than many people would like to admit, Burge said, and some young people who leave the Republican Party because of Trump may also leave The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints for linking or overlapping reasons. 'People are drawn to or from religious groups based on their political persuasion,' Burge said. 'What you're really seeing with the 18-35-year-old group of young LDS is the true believers because they're still identifying as LDS.' The church has issued statements declaring itself strictly 'neutral in matters of party politics.' The general handbook says, 'The Church does not endorse any political party or candidate. Nor does it advise members how to vote.' The church encourages its members to 'engage in the political process in an informed and civil manner, respecting the fact that members of the church come from a variety of backgrounds and experiences and may have differences of opinion in partisan political matters.'

Are Latter-day Saints shifting left? Here's what the data shows
Are Latter-day Saints shifting left? Here's what the data shows

Yahoo

time03-06-2025

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Are Latter-day Saints shifting left? Here's what the data shows

An analysis of the 2024 presidential election found that politically moderate and younger Latter-day Saints have 'warmed up' to President Donald Trump after swinging away from the Republican candidate in 2016 and 2020. The Republican rebound among young and moderate voters goes against some predictions of a permanent Latter-day Saint shift toward the Democratic Party during the Trump era, according to a comparison of election data published Monday by political scientist Ryan Burge. 'There's nothing here that says that the LDS vote is trending to the left,' Burge told the Deseret News. 'You can't look at the data and make that claim.' Trump's initial lackluster showing among Latter-day Saints in 2016 has largely been reversed, Burge shows, with moderate voters moving 15 percentage points toward Trump since 2020, and younger voters jumping 25 points back his direction. Much has been made of Latter-day Saints' lukewarm reception of Trump in 2016. That year, Trump received just 52% of the Latter-day Saint vote — down 30 percentage points from Mitt Romney in 2012, and 20 points from John McCain in 2008. The drop was mostly caused by Trump's bid pushing 26% of Latter-day Saint voters toward third-party candidate Evan McMullin, Burge said, while 22% voted for Hillary Clinton. But with no viable third-party alternative in 2020 and 2024, Trump's vote share among Latter-day Saints surged, resulting in identical results both times: with 66% of Latter-day Saints voting for Trump, and 30% for his opponent. 'I think most of the hesitancy people had about Trump went away,' Burge said. Burge's calculations are based on the latest data from the Cooperative Election Study, an election-year poll that surveyed 144,500 people from 2022 to 2024, including 1,600 self-identified Latter-day Saints. Taking a deeper look at the Latter-day Saint data reveals multiple transformations occurring simultaneously within one of the most religiously and civically active demographics in the United States. While Latter-day Saint voters continue to lean heavily Republican, Trump's rise to the top of conservative politics has contributed to real changes in Latter-day Saint political identification. Republican Party affiliation among Latter-day Saints fell from around 75% before Trump, to 64% in 2016, 62% in 2020 and 58% in 2024. Democratic affiliation, on the other hand, increased by 9 points, to 25%, and the percentage of independents doubled to 17%, during the same time period. Meanwhile, the share of Latter-day Saints who identify as 'conservative' fell from 61% to 50%, leading to an increase in self-described 'moderates' from 30% to 38%. But, as can be seen in the overall Latter-day Saint vote, these shifts have not translated to the ballot box. Trump's performance among Latter-day Saints has actually improved, paradoxically, as some voters attempt to distance themselves from certain conservative labels, Burge said. In 2016, 64% of Latter-day Saint voters identified as Republicans, and 61% as conservative, but Trump received around 50% of their vote. In 2024, GOP affiliation had fallen to 58%, and conservative identity to 50%, but Trump netted 66% of the Latter-day Saint vote. These crosscurrents could represent a desire among a substantial portion of Latter-day Saints to remain independent from 'the whole MAGA movement,' Burge said, even if they can't stomach the Democratic alternative and still vote for Trump. 'A lot of people want to say they're ideologically moderate but if you actually look at the way those groups vote, it's almost always leaning to what the larger group does,' Burge said. 'A vote's a binary choice, you don't get to stand in the middle on that.' Opposing pressures among the Latter-day Saint electorate have created a genuine 'swing voting bloc' among moderates, according to Burge. In 2020, moderate Latter-day Saints favored Joe Biden over Trump by 27 points, with nearly 60% voting Democrat. In 2024, however, moderate Latter-day Saints were split down the middle between Trump and Kamala Harris. Many of these swing voters appear to be those who came of age amid Trump's dominance in American politics. Less than one-third, 31%, of Latter-day Saint voters age 18-35 cast their ballot for Trump in 2020. But in 2024, Trump received support from 56% of young Latter-day Saints. The flip among young and moderate Latter-day Saint voters likely has something to do with tribal identities, and voters wanting to fit in with their community, Burge said, pointing out that 75% of Latter-day Saints over 50 voted for Trump in 2024. What's more, the relatively small gap in partisan affiliation among the youngest Latter-day Saint voters — with about 50% identifying as Republican and 35% as Democrat — is likely to grow over time because voters tend to become more conservative as they age, Burge said. But the increase in support for Trump among young Latter-day Saints might also reflect a process of self-selection, according to Burge. Politics has a greater impact on religious loyalties than many people would like to admit, Burge said, and some young people who leave the Republican Party because of Trump may also leave The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints for linking or overlapping reasons. 'People are drawn to or from religious groups based on their political persuasion,' Burge said. 'What you're really seeing with the 18-35-year-old group of young LDS is the true believers because they're still identifying as LDS.' The church has issued statements declaring itself strictly 'neutral in matters of party politics.' The general handbook says, 'The Church does not endorse any political party or candidate. Nor does it advise members how to vote.' The church encourages its members to 'engage in the political process in an informed and civil manner, respecting the fact that members of the church come from a variety of backgrounds and experiences and may have differences of opinion in partisan political matters.'

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